Third International Metropolis
Conference
Paper presented to the Third International Metropolis
Conference Israel, November 29 - December 3, 1998
Zurich: Political
participation and exclusion of immigrants in a direct
democracy
By Hans Mahnig and Andreas Wimmer Swiss Forum for Migration
Studies (SFM) Rue des Terreaux 1 CH-2000
Neuchâtel Switzerland
Neuchâtel, November 1998
BASIC DATA
1.1 Size
The city of Zurich is a municipality of 92 km2 and
as such the largest of the 261 communes of the canton of Zurich
(1728 km2) 1
. The city is divided in 12 boroughs (Kreise) – with a
surface ranging from 1,8 km2 (Kreis 1) to 15 km2 (Kreis
7) – and 34 neighbourhoods (Quartiere). In 1997, 335.943
persons were living in Zurich.
Table I-I :
Surface and population of the city of Zurich and its boroughs
(1996)
|
Surface (km2) |
Population |
Total of the city |
91,94 |
335.943 |
Kreis 1 |
1,83 |
5.856 |
Kreis 2 |
11,1 |
28.552 |
Kreis 3 |
8,7 |
46.095 |
Kreis 4 |
2,8 |
27.634 |
Kreis 5 |
2,1 |
11.341 |
Kreis 6 |
5,1 |
30.428 |
Kreis 7 |
15 |
33.876 |
Kreis 8 |
4,8 |
15.692 |
Kreis 9 |
12,1 |
44.365 |
Kreis 10 |
9,1 |
35.735 |
Kreis 11 |
13,4 |
52.559 |
Kreis 12 |
6 |
27.515 |
Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 63,
110)
The whole metropolitan area of Zurich is far larger
than the municipality alone and stretches over the limits of the
canton. In 1996 the agglomeration of Zurich defined as an area
consisting of 100 municipalities – 84 from the canton of Zurich, 15
from the canton of Aargau and one from the canton of Schwyz –
included 948.537 persons (Statistisches Amt 1997, 349). Certain
authors even start from the assumption that the metropolitan area of
Zurich consists of 1,5 million habitants (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995,
225).
1.2 Relative significance of the city in region
and country:
Although small from an international comparative
perspective, Zurich is the largest town of Switzerland and the
centre of its economically most important region. In spite of this,
Zurich is by reasons of the country's political culture –
Switzerland is a federalist State with a strong opposition to
centralism – not the political capital 2.
Table I-II: The city of Zurich compared to
other Swiss cities (1990)
|
Population |
Zurich |
365.043 |
Basel |
178.428 |
Geneva |
171.042 |
Lausanne |
136.338 |
Bern |
128.112 |
Source: (Taschenstatistik
1997)
Once the seat of machine and textile industry,
Zurich's economy is today largely dominated by tertiary sector
activities. From 1965 to 1991 the part of working places in the
secondary sector of the economy of the city felt from 43,0% to
18,5%, the part of the working places in the financial sector
increased from 9,6% to 26,1% (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 220). Main
activities are banking, consulting and insurance, communication,
informatics and research, but also wholesale trade and real-estate
business. Zurich is the most important centre for producer services
in Switzerland (BFS 1997b, 163).
In 1995 the metropolitan area of Zurich (here
defined in the limits of the canton) contributed for more than a
fifth to the national income of Switzerland (BFS 1997a, 180). Its
importance as financial centre is stressed by the fact that in 1990
30% of the 500 biggest Swiss companies had their head office in
Zurich as well as three of the four biggest Swiss banks and four of
the six largest insurance-firms. 59% of all foreign banks were
located in Zurich. That is why certain authors consider that Zurich
has the characteristics of a "global city" (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff
1995, 219-220).
1.3 Cycles of migration for the country
For a long time Switzerland was an emigration
country: certain authors estimate that between the end of the
15th and the end of the 18th century about one
million of Swiss left the country. In the same time however
different waves of migrants arrived in Switzerland: the most
important groups were the protestant refugees from France, Southern
Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, who looked for shelter in the
cantons with a protestant majority. The largest wave consisted of
the French Huguenots: about 140.000 of them arrived after the
Edit de Nantes in 1685 (Vuilleumier 1987, 12-14).
The political changes in Europe during the
19th century resulted in new migration flows to
Switzerland: between 1815 and 1848 members of the royal family and
former conventionels came from France, patriots opposing
Austrian domination and former civil servants of Napoleon's
government arrived from Italy, liberal professors and students
immigrated from Germany. To this political immigration has to be
added a first wave of economic migration of German craftsmen which
took place in the first half of the 19th century.
However, compared to the emigration flows during this time,
immigration was still of minor importance (Vuilleumier 1987,
16-19).
The transformation of Switzerland from an
emigration to an immigration country took place in the last decades
of the 19th century. In 1848 the new constitution,
victory of the liberal movement against the Conservatives, founded
the Swiss federalist State. Switzerland became a liberal island on
the European continent and attracted new political refugees. But it
was after all the economic take off of Switzerland during the second
part of the 19th century which led to an important
immigration: the part of the foreigners on the total population
increased from 3% in 1850 to 14,7% in 1910. In 1890 the migration
balance turned: immigration was from now on more important than
emigration. At the eve of World War I about 600.000 foreigners were
living in the country, which is 15,4% of the total population.
Switzerland was at this time, with the exception of Luxembourg, the
European country with the highest percentage of foreigners
(Schlaepfer 1969, 13, 17, 82).
At this time, the large majority of foreigners came
from the neighbouring countries of Switzerland, in 1910 for example
95,6% of them: 39,8% of the foreign population were Germans, 36,7%
Italians, 11,5% French and 7,1% Austrians. The majority of the
immigrants were living in the big cities and the industrial centres
(in 1910 82% of them), but also in the frontier areas (Schlaepfer
1969, 13, 17).
During the First and the Second World War the
foreign population in Switzerland significantly decreased: in 1920
their part on the total population has fallen to 10,4%, and in 1941
to 5,2%.
Shortly after World War II, the second migration
cycle began. Because Switzerland's production equipment had not
suffered any damages during the war, the country profited very
rapidly from the economic demands of its neighbouring countries.
This important demand led to a rapid growth of the economy and soon
Switzerland lacked manpower. Already in 1948, the first recruitment
treaty was signed with Italy. Since the 1950s, there was a steady
and massive flow of foreign workers to Switzerland: their number
increased from 285,000 in 1950 (6,1% of the total population) to
495,000 (10,8%) in 1960 and to 983,000 (17,2%) in 1970. From
predominantly Italian, their composition became more diverse until
1970: a bit more than the half of them were still Italians, the
other neighbouring countries Germany, France and Austria represented
about one fifth; Spaniards were at 10% and Yugoslavs, Portuguese and
Turks together at around 4%.
The international economic crisis of 1973/74 had an
important impact on the number of immigrants living in Switzerland.
Between 1974 and 1977 the Swiss economy lost 10% of its jobs.
According to the statistics of the Federal Administration, this loss
primarily concerned foreign workers: 228.000 from 340.000 dismissed
persons, that is 67%, were foreigners. One estimates that about 35%
of the unemployed foreign workers went back to their country of
origin between 1974 and 1976 (Haug 1980, 7-8). This had an important
impact on the total percentage of the foreign population: from 17,2%
in 1970 it felt to 14,8% in 1980
Thus, Switzerland succeeded through its regulation
system to make use of foreign labour as an "economic buffer". It
seems that this is one of the most important reasons for its low
unemployment rate during the 1970s and 1980s (Schmidt 1982,
255).
After the years of the crisis, the Swiss economy
recovered and during the 1980s a renewed demand for foreign labour
appeared which made the number of foreigners rise steadily. Their
part in the total population increased from 14,8% in 1980 to 16,4%
in 1990 and 19% in 1997. During the 1990s a large part of the
increase must however be explained by family reunification.
It is also during the 1980s that the immigration of
asylum seekers – as everywhere in Western Europe – became more and
more important: from 9700 in 1985 their number rose to 16.700 in
1988 and 41.600 in 1991. After this highpoint the numbers felt to
around 20.000 a year during the first half of the 1990s. In 1997
there has been a renewed increase of asylum-seekers: compared to
1996 their number rose for about one third, from 18.001 to 23.982
and it seems probable that in 1998 the record of 1991 (41.000) will
be broken.
The diversification of the countries of origin from
labour-migrants – former Yugoslavia, Portugal and Turkey got
increasingly important during the 1980s – as well as from
asylum-seekers – who come mainly from Sri Lanka, former Yugoslavia
and Turkey - led in the last years to an increasing heterogeneity of
the cultural background of migrants.
However, in 1997 the most important foreign groups
were still the Italians (25,8%), followed by the people from former
Yugoslavia (23,2%), the Portuguese (10,2%) and the Spaniards (7,1%).
So the "traditional recruitment countries" are still the most
important countries of origin of migrants in Switzerland.
As a conclusion one can say that at present, the
proportion of foreign born in Switzerland is about one fifth of the
overall resident population; a figure twice as high as that of the
USA, and considerably higher than the one of Canada, two classical
countries of immigration. Taking members of the first and second
generation together, approximately one third of the Swiss population
has an immigration background.
1.4 Cycles of migration for the city
Immigration to Zurich has also a long history and
reflects more or less the migration pattern on the national level.
The first waves at the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th century were also mainly of French, Italian
and German origin. The big part of the immigrants were workers
employed in construction and textile manufactories. In 1900 the part
of the foreigners on the total population of Zurich was 28.8%; it
increased to a highpoint of 33.4% in 1910 (see Table I-X). The most
of the Italians lived in this time in Aussersihl, a
neighbourhood which, in 1896, became the place of a violent outburst
of anger and xenophobic resentments of the autochthonous against
them, the so called "Italian riots" (Italienerkrawalle)
(Looser 1986).
As on the national level the number of migrants
decreased rapidly during World War I and World War II. Many of the
migrants returned to their countries of origin and their part on the
total population felt to 21.2% in 1920, 17.1% in 1930 and 8.5% in
1940. The lowest number and also the lowest percentage of foreigners
in Zurich during this century were registered in 1945: 24.306 or
6.8%. However not all of the migrants left the country during this
period: some of them had acquired Swiss citizenship and remained.
These first generations of immigrants have today completely
assimilated and are no longer distinguishable as immigrant
communities.
The next cycle of immigration in Zurich followed
also closely the pattern on the national level. After the already
mentioned minimum in 1945, the numbers of migrants rose steadily
until 1960, between 1950 and 1960 even in a very rapid way. The
large part of them came from Italy and Spain and responded to the
demand for unqualified workers in the sector of construction and in
restaurants and hotels.
Between 1960 and 1985 the increase of the number of
migrants slowed down and was between 1975 and 1980 even negative,
reflecting once again the logic of the developments on the national
level.
Since the beginning of the 1980s there is a new
increase of the number of migrants from 67.000 in 1980 to 101.000 in
1995 and in the same time their part on the total population grew
from 18.1% to 28.1%. However, the mounting part of foreigners on the
total population of Zurich since World War II, can only partly be
explained by the increase of their number, which rose between 1950
and 1995 by 69.766 persons. Another important reason is the
out-migration of Swiss population from the city to the suburbs which
results in a decrease of their number by 98.513 persons in the same
period. The reason that since 1980 the percentage of foreigners is
increasing faster in Zurich than on the national level (which is
also true for other Swiss cities) is thus the social polarisation
between the big urban centres and the rest of the country (Leitbild
1998b, 51, 65).
Table I-III: Stock of foreign residents in
Zurich (1900 - 1995)
|
Foreigners |
Swiss Population |
Total Population |
% foreign population |
1900 |
43.457 |
107.090 |
150.547 |
28.87% |
1905 |
51.700 |
116.800 |
168.500 |
30.68% |
1910 |
63.622 |
126.470 |
190.092 |
33.47% |
1915 |
58.569 |
141.662 |
200.231 |
29.25% |
1920 |
44.996 |
161.303 |
206.299 |
21.28% |
1925 |
37.882 |
172.892 |
210.774 |
17.97% |
1930 |
43.809 |
211.185 |
254.994 |
17.18% |
1935 |
35.310 |
281.847 |
317.157 |
11.13% |
1940 |
28.609 |
305.417 |
334.026 |
8.56% |
1945 |
24.309 |
333.075 |
357.381 |
6.80% |
1950 |
31.699 |
357.874 |
389.573 |
8.14% |
1955 |
36.659 |
380.692 |
417.351 |
8.78% |
1960 |
52.791 |
384.482 |
437.273 |
12.07% |
1965 |
67.242 |
366.623 |
433.865 |
15.50% |
1970 |
69.944 |
348.028 |
417.972 |
16.73% |
1975 |
70.542 |
319.071 |
389.613 |
18.11% |
1980 |
66.956 |
303.662 |
370.618 |
18.07% |
1985 |
72.712 |
286.372 |
359.084 |
20.25% |
1990 |
84.773 |
271.579 |
356.352 |
23.79% |
1995 |
101.465 |
259.361 |
360.826 |
28.12% |
Source: (Leibild 1998b,
57)
1.5 Composition of immigrant / ethnic minority
populations in Zürich
The Swiss statistics on the
national level only distinguish foreigners and nationals. The same
is true for the city of Zurich. There is no registration of ethnic
origin as for example in the Netherlands and in the UK which would
permit the measuring of the number of ethnic minorities 3. However, because the law on
citizenship (see 2.3) is very restrictive compared to other European
countries (in some respect it is even more restrictive than the
nationality law in Germany) looking the number of foreigners gives
quite a good picture of the amount of migrants living in the
city.
Table I-IV: Composition of foreign residents in
Zurich by country of origin and percentage of the total foreign
population (1996)
|
Number |
% of total foreign
population |
Italy |
19.413 |
19,0 |
Republic of Yugoslavia* |
16.172 |
15,8 |
Germany |
9.806 |
9,6 |
Spain |
8.026 |
7,9 |
Portugal |
6.048 |
5,9 |
Turkey |
5.825 |
5,7 |
Sri Lanka |
3.905 |
3,8 |
Croatia |
3.528 |
3,5 |
Austria |
2.883 |
2,8 |
Macedonia |
2.702 |
2,6 |
Bosnia |
2.148 |
2,1 |
Greece |
1.844 |
1,8 |
UK |
1.222 |
1,2 |
USA |
1.117 |
1,1 |
Total of foreigners |
102.048 |
100 |
Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 70) *Serbia
and Montenegro
In 1996, from the 102.048 foreigners living in
Zurich, 85.767 persons (84,0%) were European, 9493 (9,3%) Asian,
3977 (3,9%) American (South and Northern America), 2579 (2,5%)
African and 162 Australian. The most important groups are the
Italians (19%), the people from the Republic of Yugoslavia (15,8%),
the Germans (9,6%), Spaniards (7,9%) and Portuguese (5,9%) (see
table I-XI).
1.6 Generational make-up and differences within
immigrant / ethnic minority populations
If one looks at gender make up and the age
structure one finds a first striking feature. In 1996 from the
257.600 Swiss living in Zurich, 116.663 were men and 140.937 women,
a ratio in favour of the latter: 54,7% to 45,3%. Looking at the
foreigner population one finds exactly the contrary: from the
102.048 foreigners 55.845 were men and 46.203 women, this is a ratio
of 54,7% to 45,3% in favour of men (Statistisches Amt 1997,
60).
Table I-V: Foreigners living in Zurich according
to age and sex (1996)
Age group |
All foreigners |
male |
female |
0-4 |
6.725 |
3.419 |
3.306 |
5-9 |
5.631 |
2.931 |
2.700 |
10-14 |
5.205 |
2.728 |
2.477 |
15-19 |
5.934 |
3.121 |
2.813 |
20-24 |
8.898 |
4.587 |
4.311 |
25-29 |
12.628 |
6.741 |
5.887 |
30-34 |
13.144 |
7.473 |
5.671 |
35-39 |
10.063 |
5.912 |
4.151 |
40-44 |
8.317 |
4.749 |
3.568 |
45-49 |
7.007 |
4.112 |
2.895 |
50-54 |
5.800 |
3.410 |
2.390 |
55-59 |
5.121 |
2.927 |
2.194 |
60-64 |
3.383 |
1.917 |
1.466 |
65-69 |
1.895 |
950 |
945 |
70-74 |
1.067 |
435 |
632 |
75-79 |
498 |
206 |
292 |
80-84 |
350 |
124 |
226 |
85-89 |
248 |
71 |
177 |
90 and more |
134 |
32 |
102 |
Total of foreigners |
102.048 |
55.845 |
46.203 |
Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997,
70)
Foreigners are more strongly represented in the
lower age groups than in the higher ones, which is the result of the
their higher fertility rate compared to Swiss. Looking at children
in the age group of up to 4 years the proportion of foreigners is
43%; in the group of youngsters (15-19 years) their part is 40,9%.
The percentage only decreases in the higher age groups: it is 23,1%
for people between 60 and 64 (see table I-XIII).
Table I-VI: Foreigners living in Zurich by age
group and percentage of the total population
(1996)
Age group |
Total population |
Swiss |
Foreigners |
% foreigners |
0-4 |
15.631 |
8.906 |
6.725 |
43,0% |
15-19 |
14.504 |
8.570 |
5.934 |
40,9% |
30-34 |
35.275 |
22.131 |
13.144 |
37,3% |
45-49 |
23.372 |
16.365 |
7.007 |
42,8% |
60-64 |
18.038 |
14.655 |
3.383 |
23,1% |
Total |
359.648 |
257.600 |
102.048 |
28,4% |
Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997,
60-61)
1.7 Concentration
Residential concentration:
Until the 1980s the residential concentration of
foreigners in Zurich was relatively low. On the level of the
boroughs the highest percentage of foreigners could be found in 1960
in the 1st borough with 28%, in 1970 in the
5th borough with 31% and in 1980 still in the
5th borough with 36% followed by the 4th
borough with 33% (Arend 1982, 326). In the same period the
percentages on the level of neighbourhoods in the 3rd,
4th and 5th borough were between 20% and 30%.
There could also be found a few streets with up to 100% foreigners
(Arend 1985, 180-183). Compared to the USA or other European cities
the segregation indices are low and the spatial distribution has
until a few years ago never been an issue of politics (Arend
1991).
There are several reasons for this: as Arend (1982,
361-372) explains, Zurich is a relatively small city and the
possibility that specialised and homogeneous areas can form is
therefore quite limited. A second reason seems to be the relatively
tight control of the housing sector in Switzerland which reduces the
opportunities for landlords to rent apartments of bad quality at
extensive prices to migrants. A last reasons, according to Arend, is
the fact that autochthonous habitants have quite a low mobility and
do not move even if the percentage of foreigners is going
up.
Table I-VII: Distribution of foreigners and Swiss
in the 12 boroughs of Zurich (1990)
|
total population |
foreigners |
Swiss |
% foreigners |
Kreis 1 |
6.717 |
1.557 |
5.160 |
23.2 |
Kreis 2 |
28.946 |
5.020 |
23.926 |
17,3 |
Kreis 3 |
45.391 |
12.468 |
32.923 |
27.5 |
Kreis 4 |
28.729 |
11.847 |
16.882 |
41.2 |
Kreis 5 |
11.714 |
5.245 |
6.469 |
44.8 |
Kreis 6 |
31.480 |
6.417 |
25.063 |
20.4 |
Kreis 7 |
34.747 |
5.856 |
28.891 |
16.9 |
Kreis 8 |
16.110 |
3.890 |
12.220 |
24.1 |
Kreis 9 |
44.936 |
10.257 |
34.679 |
22.8 |
Kreis 10 |
35.397 |
7.185 |
28.212 |
20.3 |
Kreis 11 |
52.870 |
12.265 |
40.605 |
23.2 |
Kreis 12 |
27.770 |
6.513 |
21.257 |
23.5 |
Entire city |
365.043 |
88.547 |
276.496 |
23.4 |
Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997,
35)
However, these findings concern only the post-war
period up to 1980. The analysis of the federal census of 1990 shows
that the concentrations have increased during the decade 1980-1990
(see table XIV). The 5th and the 4th boroughs
are still the one with the highest percentage of foreigners: 44.8%
respectively 41.2%. On the level of neighbourhoods the highest
foreigner-concentrations can be found in Langstrasse (47,7%),
Gewerbeschule (45.2%) and Escher Wyss (42,2%). All of
these neighbourhoods are quite near to the city centre but do not
have – with the exception of Langstrasse where the red light
district is situated – the character of an inner city.
There aren't any mono-ethnic neighbourhoods
neither: the highest proportion of one nationality can be found in
Escher-Wyss, where the Italians make 16,2% of the whole
population (Leitbild 1998b, 79-80).
Economic concentration:
If one looks at the economic concentration of
foreigners in Zurich’s labour market one has to distinguish two
groups: on the one hand people from the German speaking
neighbour-countries (Germany, Austria), from North-West-Europe and
from other OECD-countries who are mostly well-qualified and working
in good positions. On the other hand migrants from the traditional
recruitment-countries – Spain, Portugal, former Yugoslavia, Greece,
Turkey and other non-European-countries – who are concentrated at
more than 90% in branches which require only low qualifications
(Ochsner 1998, 272-326).
The different groups have nevertheless diverse
occupation-profiles (see table I-XV): a fifth of the Italians work
in sale and office jobs which require only low qualifications and
about a forth of them are occupied in metal-working, machine
building as well as construction and painting. Almost 20% of the
Spaniards and 25% of the people from former Yugoslavia are working
in the hotel and restaurant industry and almost 30% respectively 37%
of them in construction/painting and cleaning. The Portuguese are
concentrated in the same three sectors but even stronger: 33% in the
hotel and restaurant industry, 20% in construction and painting and
17% in cleaning. Turks and Greeks are only concentrated in the
service and not in the industrial sector: the three main occupation
branches of the Turks are hotel and restaurant industry (21%), sale
and office jobs and other occupations whereas Greeks are distributed
more evenly about the different branches.
Table I-VIII:
Distribution of employed foreigners according to nationality and
branches in Zurich in % (1995)
|
Italians |
Spaniards |
Portuguese |
Ex-Yugoslavian |
Turks |
Greek |
Low-qualification jobs in the industrial
sector |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Construction / painting |
11 |
13 |
20 |
16 |
3 |
2 |
Metal-working /
machine-building |
13 |
7 |
3 |
8 |
8 |
11 |
Textile |
2 |
1 |
- |
- |
2 |
1 |
Low-qualification jobs in the service
sector |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Hotel and restaurant industry |
8 |
19 |
33 |
25 |
21 |
11 |
Sale/Office jobs |
20 |
10 |
4 |
9 |
15 |
18 |
Other occupations* |
11 |
10 |
7 |
12 |
19 |
15 |
Cleaning |
10 |
16 |
17 |
10 |
9 |
17 |
Hospital care |
1 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
2 |
3 |
Public transports |
6 |
11 |
5 |
6 |
8 |
5 |
Total |
82 |
88 |
90 |
90 |
87 |
83 |
Source: (Ochsner 1998, 308-309) * unskilled
workers and workers without indications on their profession
Women coming from the same countries of origin are
working up to 90% in the hotel and restaurant industry, in sale and
office jobs requiring low qualifications (for example cashiers) as
nurses or hairdresser and in the cleaning-sector (Ochsner 1998,
44).
1.8 Mobilisation, organisation
Many students of immigration in Switzerland
attribute an important place to migrant organisations for the
explanation of the integration process (for example Schmitter 1980,
Fibbi 1985, Bolzmann, Fibbi, Valente 1992), a fact which is also
acknowledged by the administrations dealing with migration issues
(EKA 1996, 14). The Swiss law does not – unlike the law in other
European countries (for example France) – require the registration
of associations. Whoever likes – Swiss citizen as well as foreigners
– can found an association. This liberty of organisation makes it
however very difficult to have an exact idea of the number of
migrant-associations and to know what are their aims and their
influence. Although Italian associations like the Federazione
Colonie Libere Italiane – but also political parties like the
Italian Communist Party – had an important impact on the integration
of migrants in Switzerland, there is only scarce scientific
information on their history, organisation and development.
The impact of the mobilisation of migrants on the
Swiss immigrant policy, however, has always been weak. In the second
part of the 1970s for example a lot of migrant associations
participated on the committee "Mitenand" ("Together") which launched
a popular initiative aiming at the reform of the Aliens law of 1931.
This committee consisting of representatives of labour unions,
Christian groups and left-wing organisations – migrants as well as
Swiss – wanted to improve the situation of immigrants in Switzerland
by giving them the same social and civil rights as Swiss have (Haug
1980, 90). Although some authors consider the initiative as "a large
mobilisation process of migrants" (D'Amato, 1997: 145) and as a real
"'coming out' of the immigrant" in the sense of a "radical change of
the political perception of foreigners as not only
economic-functional but also cultural and social " (Cattacin,
1996: 72), it did not have a decisive impact: on April, the
5th 1981, the initiative was rejected by a very strong
majority of 84% of the voters and by all the cantons.
Since then there has not been any new comparable
movement and the agenda setting concerning the immigration issue is
almost exclusively dominated by the confrontation of different Swiss
groups and their interests. It seems that after the failure of the
struggle for political rights a lot of immigrant organisations
changed their aim and became progressively oriented towards cultural
issues (Bolzmann, Fibbi, Garcia 1988, Bolzman and Fibbi 1991, Fibbi
1995).
The same seems to be true for
Zurich, but migrants keep nevertheless politically active. In
February 1989, for example, a petition signed by 5400 foreigners,
asking the right to vote on the local level, was transmitted to the
authorities. The same mobilisation took also place in other
municipalities of the canton, but all of them received negative
answers (Marquis, Grossi 1990, 24-25). At the end of 1988
representatives from labour unions, left-wing parties and the
churches mobilised for a popular initiative on the cantonal level,
which aimed at the introduction of local voting rights for
foreigners who had a permanent residence permit for at least five
years 4. The vote took place on September,
the 26th 1993: 75% of the voters rejected the initiative.
In several other Swiss cantons similar initiatives received in the
same period also negative answers by strong majorities (Cueni,
Fleury 1994, 15-17).
Recently, a week before the municipal elections of
march 1998, the new formed group " Political rights for
migrants " (Politische Rechte für Migrant(-innen))
announced in a press conference that it will once again try to
struggle for the political rights of migrants. The principal aim of
the group, which consists of members from labour-unions and
representatives of migrant organisations, was to support Swiss
candidates with a migrant background. Once elected they should push
for local political rights and for a facilitated naturalisation (NZZ
1998c). Migrant organisation were also criticising very strongly the
fact that they could not participate on the setting up of the new
Integration Design (Integrationsleitbild) which
was published by the municipality in May 1998 (see 2.3). However, in
November 1998 the municipality informed, that there will be a new
version of this text and that migrants will be integrated in the
group charged to rewrite it.
Migrant organisations
In 1996 the Co-ordination Office
for the Questions of Foreigners (Städtische Koordinationstelle
für Ausländerfragen)5 published a brochure (was updated in
1997) with about 350 immigrant associations established in Zurich
(Koordinationsstelle 1997). Because there is no possibility to
evaluate their relevance and influence we indicate here all the
associations of the major groups of labour migrants and refugees
listed in the brochure. This means that we look at the association
of the people from Italy, the Republic of Yugoslavia, Spain,
Portugal, Turkey, Sri Lanka, Croatia, Bosnia and Greece.
Bosnia
- Dzemat der islamischen Gemeinschaft Bosniens in Zürich
- Bosniaken Institut
- Matica Bosne I Hercegowine
- Verein der Flüchtlinge aus Bosnien und Herzegowina in der
Schweiz
Croatia
- Kroatische Katholische Mission
- Almae Matris Alumni Croaticae
- Kroatische Kulturgemeinschaft
- Kroatischer Ingenieur-Verein
- Kroatisches Humanitäres Forum
- Kroatisch-Herzegowina Gemeinschaft
- Nogometni klub Croatia
- Nogometni klub Hadjuk
Greece
- "Ewros" Arbeitnehmer-Vereinigung
- Föderation Griechischer Vereine und Gemeinden in der Schweiz
- Fussballclub S.V.Asteras
- Fussballclub S.V.Hellas
- Fussballclub Megas Alexandros
- Griechische Gemeinde Zürich
- Griechischer Kulturverein Demokritos
- Griechischer Lehrerverein
- Griechischer Verein "Parthenon"
- Griechischer Verein Pentalofiton
- Griechischer Verein der Kozaniten
- Verband Griechischer Elternvereine im Kanton Zürich –
Aristoteles
- Vereinigung der Kreter in der Schweiz
- Vereinigung Pontion in der Schweiz
Italy
- Comitato degli Italiani all’Estero
- Assistenza Italiana
- Associazione Abbruzzese
- Associazione Bellunesi nel Mundo
- Associazione Regionale Emigrati Molisani
- AssociazioneTriveneto
- Associazione ULEV
- Associazione Campana
- Associazione Culturale Italiana
- Associazione Emigrati Lucani
- Associazione Emiliani Romagnoli
- Associazione Ex Combattenti
- Associazione Friulana Fogolar Furlan
- Associazione Gente Camuna
- Associazione Giovani Siciliani
- Associazione Lavoratori Emigrati Friulani
- Associazione Lavoratori Montellesi
- Associazione Marchigiani
- Associazione Naz. Alpini
- Associazione Pugliese
- Associazione Trevisani nei Mondo
- Associazione Toscana di Zurigo
- A.I.D.O. – Associazione Italiana Donatori Organi
- A.V.I.S. – Associazione Italiana Volontari del Sangue
- CASLI – Comitato Assistenza Scolastica Lavoratori Italiani
- Centro di Studi Italiani
- Circolo Lucano
- Circolo San Martino
- Circolo Trentini nel Mondo
- Circolo Culturale Realtà Nuova
- Comitato Genitori Limmattal
- Comitato Nazionale Patronati
- Comitato Tricolore
- Comitato Nazionale d’Intesa
- Comitato Genitori Scuola Elementare Italiana
- Conferenza "San Vincenzo"
- Coord. Federazione
- Corale Santa Cecilia
- C.A.V.E.S.
- Dame di Carità
- Ente Bergamaschi nel Mondo, Circolo di Zurigo
- Famiglia Padovani di Zurigo
- Famiglia Siciliana
- Federazione Associazioni Sarde in Svizzera
- Federazione Associazioni Calabresi
- Federazione Associazioni Campane
- Federazione Associazioni Lucane
- Federazione Regionale Associazioni Emigrati Lombardi in
Svizzera F.R.A.E.L.
- Federazione Colonie Libere F.C.L.I.
- Gruppo Italiano Oerlikon
- Gruppo Valtellinesi
- Lecce Club Zürich
- Lega Uomini Cattolicci
- P.C.I
- P.S.I.
- Società Dante Allighieri
- Società Donne Cattoliche
- Udinese Club Zurigo
- Società Donne Italiane
- Unione Emigrati Siciliani
- Unione Emigrati Sardi E. Racis
- Veronesi nel Mondo
- Vicentini nel Mondo
Portugal
- Associaçião Portuguesa
- Centro Lusitano
- Comissão de Pais de Zürich
- Federação das Associações Portuguesas
- Foro Cultural
- Sporting Club de Zurich
Republic of Yugoslavia
- Basketballclub Korac Zürich
- Humanitärer Verein SAR
- Jugoslawischer Verein
- Kulturelle Vereinigung der Serben in der Schweiz
- Serbischer Kulturverein
- Sportclub Jugoslavija
Spain
- Agrupación de Padres de Zürich e alrededores
- As Xeitosiñas
- Asociación Juvenil autónoma
- Asociación Popular Española
- ATEES
- Ateneo Popular Español
- Centro de Amistad PTT
- Centro de Formación Goldbrunnen
- Centro Gallego
- Centro Hispánico Cultural
- Centro Hispano Cultural Recreativo
- Circulo Cultural "Miguel de Unamuno"
- Consejo Escolar de Padres de Familia
- C.R.E.
- Federación de Sociedades Galegas na Suiza
- Foro Cultural
- Grup Cultural Valencia
- Izquierda Unida
- Katalanischer Verein Cosa Nostra
- PCE
- Promoción Cultural
- Promoción da Cultura Galega
- P.S.O.E.
- Unión Deportiva "Orense"
- Union General de Trabajadores, Sección de Zürich UGT
Sri Lanka
Tamils
- Beratungsstelle Pathai
- Katpakam – Treffpunk für tamilische Frauen
- Mütternberatung für tamilische Eltern
- Tamil Welfare Organisation W.T.T.C.
- Tamilischer Elternverein
- Tamilisches Kulturzentrum
- Tamils Rehabilitation Organisation
- Thirukoneswara Nadanalayam Tanzgruppe
- Hindu Mananram
Sighalese
- Swiss Sri Lankan Association
- Sri Lanka Cricket Club Zürich
Turkey
- Isviçre Islam Cemaati VakfI
- Türkisch-Islamische Stiftung für die Schweiz
- Zentrale der islamischen Vereine in der Schweiz
- Zürich Türk-Islam – Kültür Ocagi
- Islam Kültür Merkezleri Birligi
- Anatolisches-Alevitisches Kulturzentrum in Zürich
- Avrupa Türk Akademisyenler Birligi
- FC Galatasaray
- Isviçre Türk Kadinlan Yardimlasma Dernegi
- Horgen Türk-islam Birligi
- Schweiz. Türkischer Verein
- Société Turco-Suisse
- Solidaritätsverband der türkischen Vereine in der Schweiz
- Tüfem – Ausbildungszentrum für türkische Folklore
- Türkischer Elternverein für Vorschulkinder
- Türkische Elternvereinigung Zürich
- Türk Sanat Kültür Toplulugu
- Türkspor
- Verband der türkischen demokratischen Vereine in der Schweiz
- Türkischer und kurdischer Kulturverein
- Türkischer Klub für kulturelle Kontakte (Dostlar Kulübü)
- Verein Kulturelle Übersetzung
- Verein Mozaik
Kurds
- Föderation der Patriotischen Arbeiter- und Kulturvereine aus
Kurdistan in der Schweiz – FEKAR
- Kurdischer Arbeiter- und Kulturverein
- Kurdischer Lehrer- und Elternverein
As already stated, there is only scarce information
on the precise aims and actions of these different associations.
There exists nevertheless a recent study included in the second part
of the Integrationleitbild of Zurich which is based on
interviews with 60 immigrant associations of the city (Von Ah,
Dobler 1998). As the principal reason to set up an association, the
authors of this study consider the wish to have one’s own place to
meet and to foster one’s own culture. A second reason is the desire
to help other migrants in a difficult situation, to constitute a
network of solidarity. Only a small number of migrant organisations
have an explicit political or religious commitment. The basis of the
organisations are often the same national or regional origin, in
case of Asians, Africans or Latin-Americans the organisations
transcend ethnic or national boundaries (Von Ah, Dobler 1998,
224-225). The resources of the associations come mainly from within:
about 60% of the associations have only the fees of their members as
a financial basis, 16% of them receive financial support from the
countries of origin and 22% from the Swiss administration (Von Ah,
Dobler 1998, 227-228). It seems that the majority of these
associations address themselves after all to first generation
migrants and have some difficulties to attract the second
generation.
Political affiliation
There is almost no scientific information about the
political affiliation of migrants in Zurich. An important number of
the first generation of Italians were members of the Italian
Communist party. The same is true for the Spaniards: a lot of them
were committed to political parties of their home countries,
primarily left wing parties. In principle a foreigner can become a
member of a Swiss party 6 – the Social Democrat Party even
indicates that it wants to favour membership of foreigners – but
this case is rare. Even if the above mentioned initiative by the
group "Political rights for migrants" tries to mobilise Swiss with a
migrant background to struggle for the interests of immigrants, one
cannot speak of "ethnic politicians" in the sense of political
entrepreneurs neither in Zurich nor in general in Switzerland.
Syndicalist affiliation
Official information about syndicalist affiliation
of migrants in Zurich is scarce. According to the information given
by the local branch of the Union of the Workers in the Metal- and
Watch-Industry (Schweizerischer Metall- und
Uhrenarbeiterverband, SMUV) 40% of its members are foreigners, the
most important national group are still the Italians. According to
the information given by the local branch of the Union of
Construction and Industrie (Gewerkschaft Bau und Industrie, GBI)
the composition of its members in Zurich is the
following:
Table I-IX: Composition of the members of the GBI
by nationality and percentage of the total number of members in
1998 (estmations)
|
Total number |
% of total number of
members |
Former Yugoslavia |
3100 |
28 |
Italy |
2300 |
21 |
Spain |
1100 |
10 |
Portugal |
1300 |
12 |
Turkey |
200 |
2 |
Swiss |
3.000 |
27 |
Total |
11.000 |
100 |
Religious affiliation
According to the census of 1990, 138.000 (50%) of
the 276.000 Swiss living in Zurich were Protestant, 92.000 (33%)
Catholics, 4000 (1,5%) Jewish and 41.000 (15%) had another religious
affiliation or were without any. For the 89.000 foreigners the
proportions were quite different: 7000 (8%) were Protestant, 49.000
(55%) Catholics, 650 (0,7%) Jewish and 32.000 (36%) had another
religious affiliation or were without any (Statistisches Amt 1997,
28). It is clear that all the Muslims are counted in this latter
group.
The total number of the Muslim
population in Zurich amounted in 1990 to 9296 persons 7, which is 2,5% of the total
population (365.043). One can reasonably guess that the majority of
them are foreigners, which would signify that their part on the
total foreigner population was 10,4% in 1990. However, it is evident
that since then the Muslim population has strongly increased, a lot
of migrants coming in the last years from former Yugoslavia or
Turkey. But there are not any more recent data on religious
affiliation.
II RELEVANT POLITICAL STRUCTURES
2.1 National level
The basic features of the Swiss
political system have all an important impact on the politics of
migration. First, Switzerland is a so-called "direct democracy" (see
for example Hertig 1984, Kriesi 1995, 80-125). The most important
component of this system is the popular initiative
(Volksinitiative) which permits the launching of a political
idea in the form of a project for a constitutional article, which is
submitted to the Swiss people. In order to succeed, a popular
initiative must gather the signatures of at least 100.000 voters in
a period of 18 months. It is then followed by a popular vote
(Volksabstimmung). The popular initiative played – and still
plays – a very important role for populist and anti-immigrant
movements. These groups have never become important forces in the
form of political parties (their scores in elections always kept
low) but they succeeded in gaining support from important parts of
the population through the popular initiative. Since the middle of
the 1960s, several times so-called "Overforeignization initiatives"
(Überfremdungsinitiativen) were launched which aimed at
limiting the number of foreigners living in Switzerland. Even if so
far they have always been rejected, they had an important impact on
the Swiss migration policy (Mahnig 1998) 8. The second component of Swiss direct
democracy is the referendum: it permits to submit each law adopted
in parliament to a popular vote, if 50.000 signatures are collected
in the three months following its adoption. The referendum is also
used by populist parties either as a way to challenge a decision
made by parliament or as an instrument to threaten the other parties
to make concessions in the parliamentary debates on a new law. The
last component of the system of direct democracy is finally the rule
that each new constitutional article has to be submitted to a
popular vote.
The second important feature of the Swiss polity is
federalism: the twenty-three cantons composing Switzerland
(three of them are divided in two half-cantons) have a large
autonomy in several fields. The education system, for example, is
organised on a cantonal level. According to the federalist
principles, the Swiss parliament is divided in two chambers, the
Nationalrat (the representatives of the people) and the
Ständerat (the representatives of the cantons). In order to
pass parliament, a law has to be voted by a majority in each
chamber. The principle of the "double majority" – of the population
and the cantons – concerns also the popular vote. Today this
principle is more and more criticised: the balance between interests
of the cantons and interests of the whole population gives
progressively more weight to the small - and often conservative -
cantons which have lost a lot of their population through migration
to the urban centres, but keep still the same political influence
through the principle of the "double majority". In 1994 for example,
a constitutional change proposed by the government to ease the
naturalisation procedure was adopted by a majority of Swiss people
but rejected by a majority of cantons. An important role for the
politics of migration plays also the third level of territorial
organisation in Switzerland: the municipalities. The naturalisation
procedure, for example, is to a large extent a municipal decision
(see part on naturalisation).
A third and last important feature to be mentioned
is the so called consociational democracy
(Konkordanz-Demokratie) (see for example Lijphart 1977,
Kriesi 1995, 311-333). The Swiss government, the Federal Council
(Bundesrat), composed of seven ministers, is chosen by the
deputies for four years and reflects the distribution of forces
between the different parties in parliament. There is no system of
majority and opposition, the four most important parties,
representing about three quarters of the electorate, - Social
Democrats (Sozialdemokratische Partei - SP), Liberals
(Freisinnig-demokratische Partei - FDP), Christian-Democrats
(Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei - CVP) and the
Conservatives (Schweizerische Volkspartei - SVP) -
participate all in the government. The proportional representation
of parties and other interest groups is a general feature of the
Swiss political system and can be found on many other levels. This
means that the decision-making process is often very lengthy because
the different forces must negotiate a compromise. Concerning the
politics of migration the system leads to long periods of
"non-decision" because the interests concerning migration are so
divergent that a compromise can often not be found (Mahnig 1997,
4-5).
Table II-I Distribution of seats in the
Nationalrat and Ständerat (1991 /
1995)
|
Elections of 1991 |
Elections of 1995 |
|
NR |
StR |
NR |
StR |
SP - Social Democrats |
43 |
58 |
3 |
5 |
FDP - Liberals |
44 |
45 |
18 |
17 |
CVP - Christian Democrats |
37 |
34 |
4 |
5 |
SVP- Conservatives |
25 |
29 |
4 |
5 |
GP - Green Party |
14 |
10 |
- |
- |
Liberals |
10 |
7 |
3 |
2 |
FPS (Populist
Conservatives) |
8 |
8 |
- |
- |
LdU and EVP - Centrist |
9 |
5 |
1 |
1 |
SD (Extreme Right) |
7 |
3 |
1 |
- |
PdA (Extreme Left) |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
Others |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
Total of seats |
200 |
200 |
46 |
46 |
Source: (Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei 1996,
5)
2.2 Local level
The political structure of the city of Zurich
corresponds in many respects to the one on the federal level: there
are not many cities in Europe where one can find such a democratic
institutional framework for policy-making as in Zurich (Neidhart
1998). The habitants of the city elect the 125 deputies of the
parliament (Gemeinderat) as well as the 9 members of the
executive (Stadtrat) including the mayor. The gathering of
4000 signatures allows to launch a popular initiative on the
city-level, and if 4000 signatures are collected against a decision
taken in parliament during the twenty following days, a referendum
must be hold (Gemeindeordnung 1997). These instruments of direct
democracy play a very important role for the policy making in the
city: often ad-hoc coalitions and interest groups succeed to
influence policies using the initiative or the referendum (Hitz,
Schmid, Wolff 1995, 210-211).
However, in the field of migration the instruments
of direct democracy have been used the most frequently by populist
parties and the extreme right. They succeeded in the last years to
block several policies aimed at an improvement of the situation of
migrants in Zurich as for example the simplification of
naturalisation and the setting up of a solidarity network for
refugees from Kosovo (see 2.3).
The deputies of the Gemeinderat meet almost
every week and their action is largely commented by the local press.
Even if they are "spare time-politicians" they represent an
important counterweight to the executive. Because the chance to be
reelected depends on the municipal level a great deal on personal
notoriety, politics are very personalized (Neidhart 1998). The most
important parties in the Gemeinderat are:
- SP: Sozialdemokratische Partei
(Social Democrats) - FDP: Freisinnig-demokratische
Partei (Liberals) - SVP: Schweizerische
Volkspartei (Conservatives) - CVP:
Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei (Christian
Democrats) - LdU: Landesring der Unabhängigen
(Centrists) - EVP: Evangelische Volkspartei
(Centrists) - GP: Grüne Partei (Green
Party) - FraP: Frauen macht Politik (Women's
party) - SD: Schweizer Demokraten (Extreme
Right) - AL90: Alternative Liste Züri 1990
(Alternatives)
In the last municipal elections of march 1998, the
parties of the political centre (FDP, CVP, LdU, EVP) as well as the
parties on the margins (FraP, SD) lost votes while the left-wing
parties (SP, GP) and the Conservatives (SVP) won some new seats in
parliament. This means that neither the left (SP, GP, FraP, AL90)
with 59 seats nor the right with 60 seats (SVP, FDP, CVP) have a
majority in parliament (NZZ 1998a).
Table II - II
Distribution of seats in the Gemeinderat (parliament) of
Zurich (1970 -1998)
|
1970 |
1974 |
1978 |
1982 |
1986 |
1990 |
1994 |
1998 |
SP |
41 |
44 |
50 |
42 |
39 |
47 |
43 |
49 |
FDP |
26 |
23 |
26 |
36 |
27 |
25 |
28 |
26 |
CVP |
15 |
19 |
19 |
19 |
17 |
12 |
10 |
8 |
SVP |
5 |
4 |
5 |
7 |
6 |
7 |
19 |
26 |
LdU |
26 |
16 |
16 |
9 |
11 |
8 |
7 |
4 |
EVP |
12 |
8 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
4 |
2 |
1 |
GP |
- |
- |
- |
- |
5 |
10 |
5 |
7 |
SD |
- |
9 |
- |
2 |
11 |
5 |
4 |
1 |
FraP |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
3 |
5 |
1 |
AL90 |
- |
- |
|
|
|
4 |
2 |
2 |
Other |
- |
2 |
3 |
4 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
Total |
125 |
125 |
125 |
125 |
125 |
125 |
125 |
125 |
Source: (Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ
1998a)
In the executive, however, the
left has a majority of six members against three for the right. The
actual members of the executive are the following (NZZ 1998b):
- Josef Estermann (SP): Mayor - Esther Maurer
(SP): Police - Elmar Ledergerber (SP) : Building
construction - Monika Weber (LdU): Education and Sport -
Willy Küng (CSP) 9: Finance - Rober Neukomm (SP):
Public Health and Environment - Kathrin Martelli (FDP):
Underground workings - Thomas Wagner (FDP): Industrial
Enterprise - Monika Stocker (GP): Social
Affairs
Table II - III Representation of parties in the
Stadtrat (executive) of Zurich (1970
-1998)
|
1970 |
1974 |
1978 |
1982 |
1986 |
1990 |
1994 |
1998 |
SP |
4 |
3 |
4 |
- |
1 |
3 |
3 |
4 |
FDP |
1 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
3 |
2 |
CVP |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
- |
SVP |
1 |
1 |
- |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
- |
LdU |
2 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
EVP |
- |
- |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
- |
- |
Other |
- |
- |
- |
3* |
2* |
2** |
2*** |
2*** |
Total |
9 |
9 |
9 |
9 |
9 |
9 |
9 |
9 |
Source:
(Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ 1998a) *
representatives of the labour unions ** without party
affiliation *** GP and CSP (Cristian-social
Party)
The fact that the SVP does not participate in the
executive although it is the second largest party (together with the
FDP) in the municipal parliament, will certainly be source of
tensions. The party tried in the last years to establish itself as a
protest-party using the instruments of direct democracy in a very
populist way. This had already an important impact on the politics
of migration (see 2.3).
2.3 Immigrant and ethnic minorities related
political structure
National level
The principal reason for the fact that immigration
developed in a political issue in Switzerland was the mounting
xenophobia of the Swiss population since the beginning of the 1960s.
As soon as 1964 a report on "The problem of the foreign workers"
(Das Problem der ausländischen Arbeitskräfte) had been
published by the Swiss administration, which recommended several
measures for the integration of migrants. But during the sixties it
was not taken into account by politicians. In 1970 the government
created the Federal commission for the problem of foreigners
(Eidgenössische Kommission für das Ausländerproblem) – which
is called today the Federal commission for foreigners
(Eidgenössische Auländerkommission – EKA) – as an answer to
the "overforeignization initiative" (Cattacin 1987, 69-70). Up to
now the EKA is still the most important institution for the
integration of migrants in Switzerland. Its function is essentially
consultative: the EKA brings together the representatives of
different institutions and organisations (for example those of
cantonal administrations, employer-organisations, labour-unions and
immigrant organisations 10) in order to discuss immigration
problems and to give recommendations.
The task of the EKA is also a policy of information
and communication in order to "explain Swiss people the difference
of the foreigner and its problems" on the one hand, to "improve the
information of the foreigners" on the other (EKA 1989, 101). The EKA
considers also that concerning the foreign population "conforming to
our democratic customs, it is necessary to look for solutions which
are adapted to local conditions. Each municipality has to find its
own way." (EKA 1989, 7) That is why an important part of the action
of the EKA is the support of cantonal or municipal commissions which
implement the same policy of information and communication on a
local level.
Since the middle of the seventies several attempts
have been made to change the policy towards migrants, but all have
been rejected by popular votes. The first was a popular initiative
which aimed at an improvement of the legal status of migrants, the
so called "Mitenand" (Together)-initiative. It was rejected
in 1981 by a strong majority of voters. The second attempt was a
reform of the law on foreigners of 1931 (Ausländer Aufenthalts-
und Niederlassungsgesetz - ANAG), which tried also to improve
(even in a less ambitious way) the legal status of foreigners.
Accepted by the parliament, it was rejected in a referendum in 1982.
In 1983 and in 1994 two constitutional changes proposed by the
government to ease the naturalisation procedure for second
generation immigrants were rejected in popular votes (see part on
access to national citizenship).
In the last years the issue of integration has
become more salient, because of the declining integration of
migrants in the Swiss economy which is largely due to a general
increase of unemployment hitting the migrant population much harder
than the Swiss. This is a new problem for Switzerland: at he end of
the 1980s for example, scholars could still write: "The settled
unemployed foreigner is an exceptional phenomenon, its social figure
does not exist" (Bolzmann, Fibbi, Garcia 1987, 62). The problem hits
strongly the cities and put therefore the question of integration on
their agendas. In the last years some big cities - such as Basle,
Bern and Zurich - have elaborated so called "integration
policy-designs" (Integrationsleitbilder) in order to create a
new comprehensive approach to the question. But the question became
also more important on the federal agenda. In 1996 the EKA published
a report in which it claimed an clear strengthening of Swiss
integration policy and a stronger intervention of the Federal State
as before (EKA 1996). A year later, a commission of experts, charged
to think about the reshaping of the whole Swiss migration policy,
recommended also a new comprehensive approach to integration,
putting the stress on the social problems of migrants
(Expertengruppe 1997).
A first concrete step in direction of a
reinforcement of the federal immigrant policy is the setting up of
an article on integration in the Aliens law of 1931. Voted by the
parliament in June 1998, the article gives the Confederation the
possibility to subsidise local integration projects.
As a conclusion one can say, that in Switzerland it
is today hardly possible to speak of a real integration policy for
migrants on the federal level. Integration structures can
primarily be found on the level of non-official organisations
(association, labour-unions etc.) as well as on the level of local
administration (cantons and municipalities). That is the reason that
some scholars speak of the " integrationist federalism "
in Switzerland (Cattacin 1996). The vote for an integration article
– although a very modest measure – can be interpreted as a fist step
towards a different policy.
Local level
For a long time there has been no clear policy
towards migrants in Zurich. In 1968 the " Municipal Commission
for the assimilation question " (Städtische Kommission für
Assimilierungsfragen) was set up which changed its name later to
" Municipal Commission for the questions of foreigners "
(Städtische Kommission für Ausländerfragen). This Commission
is composed of 24 members, who are chosen every four years by the
Gemeinderat and who are representing the " interested
circles " (parties, employer organisations, labour unions,
churches, associations) according to the specific way of interest
organisation in Switzerland (Germann et al. 1985). The commission,
which holds regularly reunions, is charged to make recommendations
to the Gemeinderat and Stadtrat.
In 1969 the " Co-ordination Office for the
Questions of Foreigners " (Koordinationsstelle für
Ausländerfragen - KSA) was set up. It is charged to serve on the
one hand as secretariat for the commission and on the other hand to
co-ordinate the action of different administrative services
concerning migrants. However the action of this organism was blocked
several times and only in 1982 it got more active with the arrival
of a new director. In 1987 the KSA enlarged its action and in 1988
the number of the employees was multiplied by five because of the
setting up of a consultation service for migrants. Because the
unemployment of migrants (for the first as well as for the second
generation) is until the 1990s not really an issue on the political
agenda, the policy of the KSA can be characterised – as the one made
on the federal level by the EKA – as a policy of mediation and
information. The KSA has recently been renamed in " Office for
intercultural questions " (Fachstelle für
Interkulturelle Fragen).
During the same period different administrative
branches developed their own actions in regard to migrants. This is
particularly true in the field of education: at the beginning of the
1980s the proportion of migrant children increases up to 90% in some
schools and the authorities fear that Swiss parents would put their
children in other schools and that this could lead to the
development of school segregation (Schulsynode 1983). Because the
public school in Switzerland is organised on the level of the
cantons, the cantonal authorities tried to respond to the problem
and which took a number of initiatives: in 1980 the " Direction
for Education of the Canton of Zurich " (Erziehungsdirektion
des Kantons Zürich) sets up a special service called
" Pedagogy for Foreigners " (Ausländerpädagogik).
During the following years, however the concept of " Pedagogy
for Foreigners " is progressively replaced by the idea of
" Intercultural Pedagogy" and in 1987 a comprehensive approach
for intercultural education is adopted by the cantonal authorities
(Truniger 1995).
At the beginning of the 1990s the issue of
" integrating migrants " changes completely because of the
increasing unemployment. Migrants are particularly suffering from
this development because of their strong representation in the
lowest segments of the labour market which are struck primarily by
the restructuring of the Swiss economy. If the same problem can be
observed everywhere in Switzerland, another one is more specific to
Zurich as a big city: the question of segregation. Segregation in
Zurich can objectively not be considered as a serious problem up to
now if one compares the ongoing processes to other European cities.
Nevertheless, the high proportion of migrants in some neighbourhoods
has been politicised and defined as a threat to law and order by the
Conservative party (SVP) which use to speak of " ghettos "
and " slums ".
At the beginning of the 1990s the authorities make
two attempts to respond to this harsher climate. In 1993, after the
racist murder of a young Tamil, the Gemeinderat votes a
credit of 40.000 Swiss francs and charges the KSA to organise
actions for the better mutual understanding of migrants and Swiss.
The KSA sets up the project " z’Züri dehei? " (at home
in Zurich?) which tries to support different cultural actions on
which migrants and Swiss participate together. The central event of
the project is a week of intercultural meetings in May 1994,
involving sixty associations of migrants and Swiss under the title
Piazza Mondiale (NZZ 1994).
Another attempt for a better integration of the
migrants living in Zurich has been a failure: in January 1996 the
municipal parliament (Gemeinderat) decides to ease some of
the criteria for naturalisation of foreigners. According to the
federal Constitution a foreigner has to become first the citizen of
a municipality and then of a canton in order to get the Swiss
nationality (see party on access to citizenship). The changes
adopted are modest: the parliament tries only to adapt the rules of
the naturalisation procedure to the changes which took place in the
years before on the cantonal and federal level (the demand that a
candidate must have lived 6 of the total of 12 years required in
Zurich, is lowered to 4 years and the demand to speak the local
dialect is abandoned). Because of the still restrictive rules the
Green party and the Alternatives vote against the changes, which are
supported by all the big parties. The members of the extreme right
party Swiss Democrats (Schweizer Demokraten) vote also
against the changes and after their adoption launch a referendum
which succeeds (NZZ 1996a). In a aggressive campaign the Swiss
Democrats argue that the changes adopted in the
Gemeinderat would lead to a "squandering of Swiss
nationality " whereas the other parties do not really commit
themselves to the issue. The Conservative Party (SVP) even changes
its position because its leaders fear to loose their traditional
electorate. The vote takes place on June the 9th, 1996:
62% of the voters reject the changes, only two boroughs
(Kreis 1 and Kreis 7) vote in favour of them (NZZ
1996b).
In the following years the political climate
concerning migrants in Zurich gets even harsher because the
Conservative party (SVP) tries to win votes by making migrants
responsible for general social problems of the city. During the
campaign for the municipal elections of March 1998 it publishes
several advertisements in local newspapers which have a clearly
xenophobic meaning: " Zurich becomes a ghetto ",
" Against a multicultural Zurich ", " Criminal
foreigners: Throw them out! ", " We want that Zurich keeps
a city for the Swiss ", " Stop the discrimination of Swiss
children " (Mahnig 1998b, 128). However, if the SVP wins in the
elections some seats in the Gemeinderat, it does not get any
in the Stadtrat, where the left strengthens its position.
Nevertheless, the SVP continues its politicisation
of the migrant issue, using the referendum. In spring 1998 the
Gemeinderat decides to subsidise a " contact
network " for migrants from Kosovo with 50.000 SFr. The SVP
launches the referendum against this decision, which is considered
by the other parties as a reasonable project concerning a excluded
group (NZZ 1998d). In the popular vote of June, the 7th
1998, 56% of the voters follow the SVP and reject the project.
One month before this event, in May 1998, the Mayor
of Zurich presented a Design for integration
(Integrationsleitbild) which is the result of a study made by
the Institute of Ethnology of the University of Zurich and aims at a
new comprehensive approach for an integration policy in Zurich. The
Leitbild considers the exclusion of an increasing number of
migrants from the labour market as the central problem of the city
and demands a policy facing this issue by programs of education and
vocational training (Leitbild 1998a, 28-32). It considers also that
housing segregation and the concentration of migrants in certain
neighbourhoods will become a serious topic and asks for the
implementation of a dispersal policy (Leitbild 1998a, 35-36). The
authors analyse the concentration of social problems in Zurich as
the outcome of the federal admission policy, which, according to
them, allowed for a long time the immigration of unqualified foreign
workers in the interest of certain economic branches. Therefore they
demand a more restrictive admission policy in the future (Leitbild
1998a, 39-40).
During the summer 1998, the Leitbild leads
to a large and very controversial debate. The SVP, on the one side,
considers that there is no " integration problem " in
Zurich, but a " foreigner problem ". The party asks thus
for a policy which stops further migration to the city. The
multicultural left, on the other side, represented by the Green
party and alternative organisations, criticises the Leibild
because it demands the " assimilation " of migrants in
some central areas of Swiss society and insists, according to them,
only on the "social deficits" of migrants but not on their important
socio-economic contribution to Swiss society. Some observers even
accuse the Leitbild to be based on "cultural racism"
(Steiner-Khamsi 1998). Migrant organisation make similar claims and
criticise the fact that they have not been associated to the setting
up of the Leitbild.
Faced with these critical reactions, the Mayor of
Zurich decided in November 1998 to rewrite the
Integrationsleitbild and to include also members of migrant
organisations in the new working group (NZZ 1998e).
Access to national citizenship
The access to national
citizenship is in Switzerland even less open than in Gemany, reputed
to have the most restrictive law on nationality in Europe
(Centlivres, Schnapper 1991, 152). Children of foreigners born in
Switzerland keep the nationality of their parents, because there is
no ius soli as for example in France or in the traditional
immigration countries. The naturalisation procedures are also very
complicated. In general, a foreigner who wants to apply for Swiss
citizenship has to prove that he lived during 12 years legally in
Switzerland (Gutzwiller, Baumgartner 1997, 3) 11.
However, the specificity of the access to
citizenship in Switzerland is its " federalist
character ". The naturalisation procedure consists in
Switzerland in fact of three stages. The federal Constitution
stipulates that in order to get Swiss nationality one has to become
first the citizen of a municipality and then of a canton. The
candidate for naturalisation has first to ask a federal
authorisation for naturalisation from the federal Office of Police.
Once he is in possession of this document, he has to ask the right
of citizenship (droit de cité) of a municipality. The federal
authorities intervene only at the first and the last stage when they
are informed on the decision of the municipality. The most difficult
stage to pass is the one on the municipal level, because its logic
is an ethnic and cultural one: in certain municipalities the
applicant has to prove his knowledge of Swiss traditions and that he
is assimilated to the values of the local community. Additionally
the naturalisation procedure is often very costly (Centlivres
1990).
The implementation of these principles is however
quite different according to the local communities: in big
municipalities exists normally a commission which decides on the
naturalisation demands by foreigners, whereas in small
municipalities all the citizens of the municipality decide on the
request of the foreigner. This leads often to refusals by local
communities on the ground of unjustified criteria (see for example
Dütschler 1998).
Two attempts were made in the
last decades to change this restrictive rules. In 1983 the
government proposed a constitutional reform whose aim was to
increase the weight of the Confederation in the naturalisation
procedure of the second generation. It justified this project by the
huge number of foreigners who were born and had attended school in
Switzerland but who were still not Swiss citizens because of the
very restrictive Swiss citizenship law 12. Therefore the government wanted to
integrate an article in the Constitution giving the power to the
State to ease the naturalisation of all foreigners born and grown up
in Switzerland. However, in December 1983, the project was rejected
in a popular vote by 54,3% of the voters.
In June 1994 a new popular vote
on a project trying to ease the naturalisation of the second
generation took place. The reform was once more rejected, in spite
of the support by all the parties (except the populist parties of
the right): whereas 52,8% of the Swiss population voted for the
reform, a majority of cantons voted against it 13. The double nationality, however, is
admitted in Switzerland since 1992.
III CASE GROUP: THE ITALIAN COMMUNITY
Italians were after 1945 the most important group
of migrants which came to Switzerland: in 1960 almost two thirds of
the foreigners living in Switzerland came from Italy, in 1990 still
almost one third of them (see table I-VIII). The same is true for
Zurich. Even if the part of Italians on the total number of
foreigners is today decreasing faster than on the national level –
it felt from 26% in 1990 to 19% in 1996 – they are still the biggest
migrant group.
As a specificity of the situation of the Italian
migrants in Switzerland can be considered the fact that there
existed already a large number of well established Italian
institutions when they arrived in 1945. Already in 1898 the
Missione Cattolica Italiana di Zurigo was founded for the
large Italian community living at the end of the 19th
century in Zurich (Ciapparella, Gatani 1997). After World War II the
Missione continued its religious and social support of the
Italian migrants. In 1930, Italian antifascists set up the Scuola
Libera Italiana di emancipazione proletaria in Zurich in order
to give their children an education free from fascist ideology. The
founder of this school was also one of the founding members of the
Colonie Libere Italiane (CLI) which were set up in September
1943 in Zurich. In the same year nine further colonies were created
in other Swiss cities and in November 1943 was set up the
Fedrazione delle Colonie Libere Italiane in Svizzera (FCLIS)
(Grossi 1985 203-204).
After World War II the Colonie Libere
Italiane become one of the most important migrant organisations
in Switzerland. They try on the one hand side to struggle for a
better support by the Italian government of its emigrated citizens,
on the other hand to struggle for a better treatment of the Italian
Immigrants in Switzerland. However they need some time to find an
autonomous political position and are often accused to be
manipulated by the Italian Communist Party (Bottinelli et al. 1973,
38-40).
In a big congress – the Convegno
dell’emigrazione – held in Zurich in 1959, the representatives
of the organisation claim better social rights for immigrants in
Switzerland. In the same time the CLI begin also to develop evening
schools for their members and alphabetisation courses for adults. In
1964 la FCLIS is composed of 100 associations and has 10.300
members. It organises about 100 courses (Grossi 1985, 206).
The political commitment of the FCLIS will lead to
the expulsion of some of its members from Switzerland in the first
half of the 1960s. Confronted with the mounting xenophobia in
Switzerland, the organisation tries to explain to Swiss population
the problems of Italian immigrants. In the 1970s the FCLIS becomes
more and more involved in the question of education because the
second generation enters school. In many CLI parent committees
(Comitati di genitori) are set up.
In 1974 the organisation participates on the
founding of the movement "Mitenand" which launches some years later
the initiative with the same name. It is very active to promote the
initiative’s aims for more civil and social rights of migrants in
Switzerland (see 2.3), but the clear failure of the initiative in
the vote of 1981 shows the limits of this kind of political struggle
in Switzerland. The FCLIS keeps still politically active during the
1980s and continues to be one of the major migrant organisations.
But its importance and impact has clearly decreased compared to the
1970s.
IV Zurich as a case for comparative
Analysis
The specific characteristics of Zurich which make
it an interesting case for comparison are threefold. First, Zurich
is one of the European cities with the highest rates of habitants
with an immigrant background. Until very recently this phenomenon
has never been considered as a problem, but there have not been
important political efforts for integrating migrants neither. The
reason for this has to be searched in the well functioning
integration of migrants through the labour market. Since this
process is not so smoothly working anymore, immigration has become a
political issue.
The second important characteristic of Zurich – as
of every other Swiss municipality – is its large margin for policy
making compared to other European cities, which is based on the
strong federalist culture of Switzerland. This means that Zurich
would have more possibilities than other European cities to
implement an autonomous immigrant policy.
The last characteristic of Zurich could be called
the "paradox of direct democracy". The failures of a more open
immigrant policy happened almost all through the instruments of
direct democracy: the referendum and the popular vote. The same
phenomenon can also be observed on the national level. The case of
Zurich offers thus a unique possibility to think about the link
between democracy and the opening up of rights for new members of
society.
Footnotes
1. Switzerland is divided in 23 cantons.
Back
to paper 2. The political capital is the city of
Berne. Back
to paper 3. That is why we will speak in this text
in general of " migrants " or " immigrants "; however, if we are
using statistical data, we will always speak of " foreigners
". Back
to paper 4. Because the most of the foreigners
living in Switzerland obtain a permanent residence permit only after
5 years of residence, this means that they had to wait at least 10
years to get local voting rights. Back
to paper 5. The institution changed its name
recently to Office for intercultural questions (Fachstelle für
interkulturelle Fragen). Back
to paper 6. Information given on telephone by the
Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei), the Liberals
(Freisinnig-demokratische Partei) and the Conservatives
(Schweizerische Volkspartei). Back
to paper 7. Information given on telephone by the
Statistical Office of the city of Zurich. Back
to paper 8. This does not mean that the popular
initiative is responsible for the appearance of xenophobia: it is
simply a way to put an issue on the political agenda and to force
the political elite to deal with a problem to which it did not give
enough attention (see for example Kriesi 1995, 90). But of course it
can be exploited by populist groups. Back
to paper 9. Christlichsoziale Partei
(Christian-social Party). Back
to paper 10. It was only in 1981 that migrant
organisations have been admitted to the EKA. Back
to paper 11. The years spent in Switzerland
between the 1Oth and 20th birthday are counted double. Back
to paper 12. From 910.000r foreigners living in
Switzerland at the end of 1981, 300.000 are younger than 22, and
250.000 of this group have been educated in Switzerland.
Back
to paper 13. A project, in order to pass a popular
vote, has to gather the majority of the people as well as the
majority of the canton. Back
to paper
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