Third International Metropolis Conference

Paper presented to the Third International Metropolis Conference
Israel, November 29 - December 3, 1998


 Zurich: Political participation and exclusion of immigrants in a direct democracy

 

By
Hans Mahnig and Andreas Wimmer
Swiss Forum for Migration Studies (SFM)
Rue des Terreaux 1
CH-2000 Neuchâtel
Switzerland

Neuchâtel, November 1998


BASIC DATA

1.1 Size

The city of Zurich is a municipality of 92 km2 and as such the largest of the 261 communes of the canton of Zurich (1728 km2) 1 . The city is divided in 12 boroughs (Kreise) – with a surface ranging from 1,8 km2 (Kreis 1) to 15 km2 (Kreis 7) – and 34 neighbourhoods (Quartiere). In 1997, 335.943 persons were living in Zurich.

 

Table I-I : Surface and population of the city of Zurich and its boroughs (1996)

 

Surface (km2)

Population

Total of the city

91,94

335.943

Kreis 1

1,83

5.856

Kreis 2

11,1

28.552

Kreis 3

8,7

46.095

Kreis 4

2,8

27.634

Kreis 5

2,1

11.341

Kreis 6

5,1

30.428

Kreis 7

15

33.876

Kreis 8

4,8

15.692

Kreis 9

12,1

44.365

Kreis 10

9,1

35.735

Kreis 11

13,4

52.559

Kreis 12

6

27.515

Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 63, 110)

The whole metropolitan area of Zurich is far larger than the municipality alone and stretches over the limits of the canton. In 1996 the agglomeration of Zurich defined as an area consisting of 100 municipalities – 84 from the canton of Zurich, 15 from the canton of Aargau and one from the canton of Schwyz – included 948.537 persons (Statistisches Amt 1997, 349). Certain authors even start from the assumption that the metropolitan area of Zurich consists of 1,5 million habitants (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 225).

1.2 Relative significance of the city in region and country:

Although small from an international comparative perspective, Zurich is the largest town of Switzerland and the centre of its economically most important region. In spite of this, Zurich is by reasons of the country's political culture – Switzerland is a federalist State with a strong opposition to centralism – not the political capital 2.

Table I-II: The city of Zurich compared to other Swiss cities (1990)

 

Population

Zurich

365.043

Basel

178.428

Geneva

171.042

Lausanne

136.338

Bern

128.112

Source: (Taschenstatistik 1997)

Once the seat of machine and textile industry, Zurich's economy is today largely dominated by tertiary sector activities. From 1965 to 1991 the part of working places in the secondary sector of the economy of the city felt from 43,0% to 18,5%, the part of the working places in the financial sector increased from 9,6% to 26,1% (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 220). Main activities are banking, consulting and insurance, communication, informatics and research, but also wholesale trade and real-estate business. Zurich is the most important centre for producer services in Switzerland (BFS 1997b, 163).

In 1995 the metropolitan area of Zurich (here defined in the limits of the canton) contributed for more than a fifth to the national income of Switzerland (BFS 1997a, 180). Its importance as financial centre is stressed by the fact that in 1990 30% of the 500 biggest Swiss companies had their head office in Zurich as well as three of the four biggest Swiss banks and four of the six largest insurance-firms. 59% of all foreign banks were located in Zurich. That is why certain authors consider that Zurich has the characteristics of a "global city" (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 219-220). 

 

1.3 Cycles of migration for the country

For a long time Switzerland was an emigration country: certain authors estimate that between the end of the 15th and the end of the 18th century about one million of Swiss left the country. In the same time however different waves of migrants arrived in Switzerland: the most important groups were the protestant refugees from France, Southern Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, who looked for shelter in the cantons with a protestant majority. The largest wave consisted of the French Huguenots: about 140.000 of them arrived after the Edit de Nantes in 1685 (Vuilleumier 1987, 12-14).

The political changes in Europe during the 19th century resulted in new migration flows to Switzerland: between 1815 and 1848 members of the royal family and former conventionels came from France, patriots opposing Austrian domination and former civil servants of Napoleon's government arrived from Italy, liberal professors and students immigrated from Germany. To this political immigration has to be added a first wave of economic migration of German craftsmen which took place in the first half of the 19th century. However, compared to the emigration flows during this time, immigration was still of minor importance (Vuilleumier 1987, 16-19).

The transformation of Switzerland from an emigration to an immigration country took place in the last decades of the 19th century. In 1848 the new constitution, victory of the liberal movement against the Conservatives, founded the Swiss federalist State. Switzerland became a liberal island on the European continent and attracted new political refugees. But it was after all the economic take off of Switzerland during the second part of the 19th century which led to an important immigration: the part of the foreigners on the total population increased from 3% in 1850 to 14,7% in 1910. In 1890 the migration balance turned: immigration was from now on more important than emigration. At the eve of World War I about 600.000 foreigners were living in the country, which is 15,4% of the total population. Switzerland was at this time, with the exception of Luxembourg, the European country with the highest percentage of foreigners (Schlaepfer 1969, 13, 17, 82).

At this time, the large majority of foreigners came from the neighbouring countries of Switzerland, in 1910 for example 95,6% of them: 39,8% of the foreign population were Germans, 36,7% Italians, 11,5% French and 7,1% Austrians. The majority of the immigrants were living in the big cities and the industrial centres (in 1910 82% of them), but also in the frontier areas (Schlaepfer 1969, 13, 17).

During the First and the Second World War the foreign population in Switzerland significantly decreased: in 1920 their part on the total population has fallen to 10,4%, and in 1941 to 5,2%.

Shortly after World War II, the second migration cycle began. Because Switzerland's production equipment had not suffered any damages during the war, the country profited very rapidly from the economic demands of its neighbouring countries. This important demand led to a rapid growth of the economy and soon Switzerland lacked manpower. Already in 1948, the first recruitment treaty was signed with Italy. Since the 1950s, there was a steady and massive flow of foreign workers to Switzerland: their number increased from 285,000 in 1950 (6,1% of the total population) to 495,000 (10,8%) in 1960 and to 983,000 (17,2%) in 1970. From predominantly Italian, their composition became more diverse until 1970: a bit more than the half of them were still Italians, the other neighbouring countries Germany, France and Austria represented about one fifth; Spaniards were at 10% and Yugoslavs, Portuguese and Turks together at around 4%.

The international economic crisis of 1973/74 had an important impact on the number of immigrants living in Switzerland. Between 1974 and 1977 the Swiss economy lost 10% of its jobs. According to the statistics of the Federal Administration, this loss primarily concerned foreign workers: 228.000 from 340.000 dismissed persons, that is 67%, were foreigners. One estimates that about 35% of the unemployed foreign workers went back to their country of origin between 1974 and 1976 (Haug 1980, 7-8). This had an important impact on the total percentage of the foreign population: from 17,2% in 1970 it felt to 14,8% in 1980

Thus, Switzerland succeeded through its regulation system to make use of foreign labour as an "economic buffer". It seems that this is one of the most important reasons for its low unemployment rate during the 1970s and 1980s (Schmidt 1982, 255).

After the years of the crisis, the Swiss economy recovered and during the 1980s a renewed demand for foreign labour appeared which made the number of foreigners rise steadily. Their part in the total population increased from 14,8% in 1980 to 16,4% in 1990 and 19% in 1997. During the 1990s a large part of the increase must however be explained by family reunification.

It is also during the 1980s that the immigration of asylum seekers – as everywhere in Western Europe – became more and more important: from 9700 in 1985 their number rose to 16.700 in 1988 and 41.600 in 1991. After this highpoint the numbers felt to around 20.000 a year during the first half of the 1990s. In 1997 there has been a renewed increase of asylum-seekers: compared to 1996 their number rose for about one third, from 18.001 to 23.982 and it seems probable that in 1998 the record of 1991 (41.000) will be broken.

The diversification of the countries of origin from labour-migrants – former Yugoslavia, Portugal and Turkey got increasingly important during the 1980s – as well as from asylum-seekers – who come mainly from Sri Lanka, former Yugoslavia and Turkey - led in the last years to an increasing heterogeneity of the cultural background of migrants.

However, in 1997 the most important foreign groups were still the Italians (25,8%), followed by the people from former Yugoslavia (23,2%), the Portuguese (10,2%) and the Spaniards (7,1%). So the "traditional recruitment countries" are still the most important countries of origin of migrants in Switzerland.

As a conclusion one can say that at present, the proportion of foreign born in Switzerland is about one fifth of the overall resident population; a figure twice as high as that of the USA, and considerably higher than the one of Canada, two classical countries of immigration. Taking members of the first and second generation together, approximately one third of the Swiss population has an immigration background.

 

1.4 Cycles of migration for the city

Immigration to Zurich has also a long history and reflects more or less the migration pattern on the national level. The first waves at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century were also mainly of French, Italian and German origin. The big part of the immigrants were workers employed in construction and textile manufactories. In 1900 the part of the foreigners on the total population of Zurich was 28.8%; it increased to a highpoint of 33.4% in 1910 (see Table I-X). The most of the Italians lived in this time in Aussersihl, a neighbourhood which, in 1896, became the place of a violent outburst of anger and xenophobic resentments of the autochthonous against them, the so called "Italian riots" (Italienerkrawalle) (Looser 1986).

As on the national level the number of migrants decreased rapidly during World War I and World War II. Many of the migrants returned to their countries of origin and their part on the total population felt to 21.2% in 1920, 17.1% in 1930 and 8.5% in 1940. The lowest number and also the lowest percentage of foreigners in Zurich during this century were registered in 1945: 24.306 or 6.8%. However not all of the migrants left the country during this period: some of them had acquired Swiss citizenship and remained. These first generations of immigrants have today completely assimilated and are no longer distinguishable as immigrant communities.

The next cycle of immigration in Zurich followed also closely the pattern on the national level. After the already mentioned minimum in 1945, the numbers of migrants rose steadily until 1960, between 1950 and 1960 even in a very rapid way. The large part of them came from Italy and Spain and responded to the demand for unqualified workers in the sector of construction and in restaurants and hotels.

Between 1960 and 1985 the increase of the number of migrants slowed down and was between 1975 and 1980 even negative, reflecting once again the logic of the developments on the national level.

Since the beginning of the 1980s there is a new increase of the number of migrants from 67.000 in 1980 to 101.000 in 1995 and in the same time their part on the total population grew from 18.1% to 28.1%. However, the mounting part of foreigners on the total population of Zurich since World War II, can only partly be explained by the increase of their number, which rose between 1950 and 1995 by 69.766 persons. Another important reason is the out-migration of Swiss population from the city to the suburbs which results in a decrease of their number by 98.513 persons in the same period. The reason that since 1980 the percentage of foreigners is increasing faster in Zurich than on the national level (which is also true for other Swiss cities) is thus the social polarisation between the big urban centres and the rest of the country (Leitbild 1998b, 51, 65).

 

Table I-III: Stock of foreign residents in Zurich (1900 - 1995)

 

Foreigners

Swiss Population

Total Population

% foreign population

1900

43.457

107.090

150.547

28.87%

1905

51.700

116.800

168.500

30.68%

1910

63.622

126.470

190.092

33.47%

1915

58.569

141.662

200.231

29.25%

1920

44.996

161.303

206.299

21.28%

1925

37.882

172.892

210.774

17.97%

1930

43.809

211.185

254.994

17.18%

1935

35.310

281.847

317.157

11.13%

1940

28.609

305.417

334.026

8.56%

1945

24.309

333.075

357.381

6.80%

1950

31.699

357.874

389.573

8.14%

1955

36.659

380.692

417.351

8.78%

1960

52.791

384.482

437.273

12.07%

1965

67.242

366.623

433.865

15.50%

1970

69.944

348.028

417.972

16.73%

1975

70.542

319.071

389.613

18.11%

1980

66.956

303.662

370.618

18.07%

1985

72.712

286.372

359.084

20.25%

1990

84.773

271.579

356.352

23.79%

1995

101.465

259.361

360.826

28.12%

Source: (Leibild 1998b, 57)

 

1.5 Composition of immigrant / ethnic minority populations in Zürich

The Swiss statistics on the national level only distinguish foreigners and nationals. The same is true for the city of Zurich. There is no registration of ethnic origin as for example in the Netherlands and in the UK which would permit the measuring of the number of ethnic minorities 3. However, because the law on citizenship (see 2.3) is very restrictive compared to other European countries (in some respect it is even more restrictive than the nationality law in Germany) looking the number of foreigners gives quite a good picture of the amount of migrants living in the city.

 

Table I-IV: Composition of foreign residents in Zurich by country of origin and percentage of the total foreign population (1996)

Number

% of total foreign population

Italy

19.413

19,0

Republic of Yugoslavia*

16.172

15,8

Germany

9.806

9,6

Spain

8.026

7,9

Portugal

6.048

5,9

Turkey

5.825

5,7

Sri Lanka

3.905

3,8

Croatia

3.528

3,5

Austria

2.883

2,8

Macedonia

2.702

2,6

Bosnia

2.148

2,1

Greece

1.844

1,8

UK

1.222

1,2

USA

1.117

1,1

Total of foreigners

102.048

100

Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 70)
*Serbia and Montenegro

 

In 1996, from the 102.048 foreigners living in Zurich, 85.767 persons (84,0%) were European, 9493 (9,3%) Asian, 3977 (3,9%) American (South and Northern America), 2579 (2,5%) African and 162 Australian. The most important groups are the Italians (19%), the people from the Republic of Yugoslavia (15,8%), the Germans (9,6%), Spaniards (7,9%) and Portuguese (5,9%) (see table I-XI).

 

1.6 Generational make-up and differences within immigrant / ethnic minority populations

If one looks at gender make up and the age structure one finds a first striking feature. In 1996 from the 257.600 Swiss living in Zurich, 116.663 were men and 140.937 women, a ratio in favour of the latter: 54,7% to 45,3%. Looking at the foreigner population one finds exactly the contrary: from the 102.048 foreigners 55.845 were men and 46.203 women, this is a ratio of 54,7% to 45,3% in favour of men (Statistisches Amt 1997, 60).

Table I-V: Foreigners living in Zurich according to age and sex (1996)

Age group

All foreigners

male

female

0-4

6.725

3.419

3.306

5-9

5.631

2.931

2.700

10-14

5.205

2.728

2.477

15-19

5.934

3.121

2.813

20-24

8.898

4.587

4.311

25-29

12.628

6.741

5.887

30-34

13.144

7.473

5.671

35-39

10.063

5.912

4.151

40-44

8.317

4.749

3.568

45-49

7.007

4.112

2.895

50-54

5.800

3.410

2.390

55-59

5.121

2.927

2.194

60-64

3.383

1.917

1.466

65-69

1.895

950

945

70-74

1.067

435

632

75-79

498

206

292

80-84

350

124

226

85-89

248

71

177

90 and more

134

32

102

Total of foreigners

102.048

55.845

46.203

Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 70)

Foreigners are more strongly represented in the lower age groups than in the higher ones, which is the result of the their higher fertility rate compared to Swiss. Looking at children in the age group of up to 4 years the proportion of foreigners is 43%; in the group of youngsters (15-19 years) their part is 40,9%. The percentage only decreases in the higher age groups: it is 23,1% for people between 60 and 64 (see table I-XIII).

Table I-VI: Foreigners living in Zurich by age group and percentage of the total population (1996)

Age group

Total population

Swiss

Foreigners

% foreigners

0-4

15.631

8.906

6.725

43,0%

15-19

14.504

8.570

5.934

40,9%

30-34

35.275

22.131

13.144

37,3%

45-49

23.372

16.365

7.007

42,8%

60-64

18.038

14.655

3.383

23,1%

Total

359.648

257.600

102.048

28,4%

Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 60-61)

 

1.7 Concentration

Residential concentration:

Until the 1980s the residential concentration of foreigners in Zurich was relatively low. On the level of the boroughs the highest percentage of foreigners could be found in 1960 in the 1st borough with 28%, in 1970 in the 5th borough with 31% and in 1980 still in the 5th borough with 36% followed by the 4th borough with 33% (Arend 1982, 326). In the same period the percentages on the level of neighbourhoods in the 3rd, 4th and 5th borough were between 20% and 30%. There could also be found a few streets with up to 100% foreigners (Arend 1985, 180-183). Compared to the USA or other European cities the segregation indices are low and the spatial distribution has until a few years ago never been an issue of politics (Arend 1991).

There are several reasons for this: as Arend (1982, 361-372) explains, Zurich is a relatively small city and the possibility that specialised and homogeneous areas can form is therefore quite limited. A second reason seems to be the relatively tight control of the housing sector in Switzerland which reduces the opportunities for landlords to rent apartments of bad quality at extensive prices to migrants. A last reasons, according to Arend, is the fact that autochthonous habitants have quite a low mobility and do not move even if the percentage of foreigners is going up.

Table I-VII: Distribution of foreigners and Swiss in the 12 boroughs of Zurich (1990)

 

total population

foreigners

Swiss

% foreigners

Kreis 1

6.717

1.557

5.160

23.2

Kreis 2

28.946

5.020

23.926

17,3

Kreis 3

45.391

12.468

32.923

27.5

Kreis 4

28.729

11.847

16.882

41.2

Kreis 5

11.714

5.245

6.469

44.8

Kreis 6

31.480

6.417

25.063

20.4

Kreis 7

34.747

5.856

28.891

16.9

Kreis 8

16.110

3.890

12.220

24.1

Kreis 9

44.936

10.257

34.679

22.8

Kreis 10

35.397

7.185

28.212

20.3

Kreis 11

52.870

12.265

40.605

23.2

Kreis 12

27.770

6.513

21.257

23.5

Entire city

365.043

88.547

276.496

23.4

Source: (Statistisches Amt 1997, 35)

However, these findings concern only the post-war period up to 1980. The analysis of the federal census of 1990 shows that the concentrations have increased during the decade 1980-1990 (see table XIV). The 5th and the 4th boroughs are still the one with the highest percentage of foreigners: 44.8% respectively 41.2%. On the level of neighbourhoods the highest foreigner-concentrations can be found in Langstrasse (47,7%), Gewerbeschule (45.2%) and Escher Wyss (42,2%). All of these neighbourhoods are quite near to the city centre but do not have – with the exception of Langstrasse where the red light district is situated – the character of an inner city.

There aren't any mono-ethnic neighbourhoods neither: the highest proportion of one nationality can be found in Escher-Wyss, where the Italians make 16,2% of the whole population (Leitbild 1998b, 79-80).

 

Economic concentration:

If one looks at the economic concentration of foreigners in Zurich’s labour market one has to distinguish two groups: on the one hand people from the German speaking neighbour-countries (Germany, Austria), from North-West-Europe and from other OECD-countries who are mostly well-qualified and working in good positions. On the other hand migrants from the traditional recruitment-countries – Spain, Portugal, former Yugoslavia, Greece, Turkey and other non-European-countries – who are concentrated at more than 90% in branches which require only low qualifications (Ochsner 1998, 272-326).

The different groups have nevertheless diverse occupation-profiles (see table I-XV): a fifth of the Italians work in sale and office jobs which require only low qualifications and about a forth of them are occupied in metal-working, machine building as well as construction and painting. Almost 20% of the Spaniards and 25% of the people from former Yugoslavia are working in the hotel and restaurant industry and almost 30% respectively 37% of them in construction/painting and cleaning. The Portuguese are concentrated in the same three sectors but even stronger: 33% in the hotel and restaurant industry, 20% in construction and painting and 17% in cleaning. Turks and Greeks are only concentrated in the service and not in the industrial sector: the three main occupation branches of the Turks are hotel and restaurant industry (21%), sale and office jobs and other occupations whereas Greeks are distributed more evenly about the different branches.

 

Table I-VIII: Distribution of employed foreigners according to nationality and branches in Zurich in % (1995)

 

Italians

Spaniards

Portuguese

Ex-Yugoslavian

Turks

Greek

Low-qualification jobs in the industrial sector

           

Construction / painting

11

13

20

16

3

2

Metal-working / machine-building

13

7

3

8

8

11

Textile

2

1

-

-

2

1

Low-qualification jobs in the service sector

           

Hotel and restaurant industry

8

19

33

25

21

11

Sale/Office jobs

20

10

4

9

15

18

Other occupations*

11

10

7

12

19

15

Cleaning

10

16

17

10

9

17

Hospital care

1

1

1

4

2

3

Public transports

6

11

5

6

8

5

Total

82

88

90

90

87

83

Source: (Ochsner 1998, 308-309)
* unskilled workers and workers without indications on their profession

Women coming from the same countries of origin are working up to 90% in the hotel and restaurant industry, in sale and office jobs requiring low qualifications (for example cashiers) as nurses or hairdresser and in the cleaning-sector (Ochsner 1998, 44).

 

1.8 Mobilisation, organisation

Many students of immigration in Switzerland attribute an important place to migrant organisations for the explanation of the integration process (for example Schmitter 1980, Fibbi 1985, Bolzmann, Fibbi, Valente 1992), a fact which is also acknowledged by the administrations dealing with migration issues (EKA 1996, 14). The Swiss law does not – unlike the law in other European countries (for example France) – require the registration of associations. Whoever likes – Swiss citizen as well as foreigners – can found an association. This liberty of organisation makes it however very difficult to have an exact idea of the number of migrant-associations and to know what are their aims and their influence. Although Italian associations like the Federazione Colonie Libere Italiane – but also political parties like the Italian Communist Party – had an important impact on the integration of migrants in Switzerland, there is only scarce scientific information on their history, organisation and development.

The impact of the mobilisation of migrants on the Swiss immigrant policy, however, has always been weak. In the second part of the 1970s for example a lot of migrant associations participated on the committee "Mitenand" ("Together") which launched a popular initiative aiming at the reform of the Aliens law of 1931. This committee consisting of representatives of labour unions, Christian groups and left-wing organisations – migrants as well as Swiss – wanted to improve the situation of immigrants in Switzerland by giving them the same social and civil rights as Swiss have (Haug 1980, 90). Although some authors consider the initiative as "a large mobilisation process of migrants" (D'Amato, 1997: 145) and as a real "'coming out' of the immigrant" in the sense of a "radical change of the political perception of foreigners as not only economic-functional but also cultural and social " (Cattacin, 1996: 72), it did not have a decisive impact: on April, the 5th 1981, the initiative was rejected by a very strong majority of 84% of the voters and by all the cantons.

Since then there has not been any new comparable movement and the agenda setting concerning the immigration issue is almost exclusively dominated by the confrontation of different Swiss groups and their interests. It seems that after the failure of the struggle for political rights a lot of immigrant organisations changed their aim and became progressively oriented towards cultural issues (Bolzmann, Fibbi, Garcia 1988, Bolzman and Fibbi 1991, Fibbi 1995).

The same seems to be true for Zurich, but migrants keep nevertheless politically active. In February 1989, for example, a petition signed by 5400 foreigners, asking the right to vote on the local level, was transmitted to the authorities. The same mobilisation took also place in other municipalities of the canton, but all of them received negative answers (Marquis, Grossi 1990, 24-25). At the end of 1988 representatives from labour unions, left-wing parties and the churches mobilised for a popular initiative on the cantonal level, which aimed at the introduction of local voting rights for foreigners who had a permanent residence permit for at least five years 4. The vote took place on September, the 26th 1993: 75% of the voters rejected the initiative. In several other Swiss cantons similar initiatives received in the same period also negative answers by strong majorities (Cueni, Fleury 1994, 15-17).

Recently, a week before the municipal elections of march 1998, the new formed group " Political rights for migrants " (Politische Rechte für Migrant(-innen)) announced in a press conference that it will once again try to struggle for the political rights of migrants. The principal aim of the group, which consists of members from labour-unions and representatives of migrant organisations, was to support Swiss candidates with a migrant background. Once elected they should push for local political rights and for a facilitated naturalisation (NZZ 1998c). Migrant organisation were also criticising very strongly the fact that they could not participate on the setting up of the new Integration Design (Integrationsleitbild) which was published by the municipality in May 1998 (see 2.3). However, in November 1998 the municipality informed, that there will be a new version of this text and that migrants will be integrated in the group charged to rewrite it.

 

Migrant organisations

In 1996 the Co-ordination Office for the Questions of Foreigners (Städtische Koordinationstelle für Ausländerfragen)5 published a brochure (was updated in 1997) with about 350 immigrant associations established in Zurich (Koordinationsstelle 1997). Because there is no possibility to evaluate their relevance and influence we indicate here all the associations of the major groups of labour migrants and refugees listed in the brochure. This means that we look at the association of the people from Italy, the Republic of Yugoslavia, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Sri Lanka, Croatia, Bosnia and Greece.

Bosnia

  1. Dzemat der islamischen Gemeinschaft Bosniens in Zürich
  2. Bosniaken Institut
  3. Matica Bosne I Hercegowine
  4. Verein der Flüchtlinge aus Bosnien und Herzegowina in der Schweiz

Croatia

  1. Kroatische Katholische Mission
  2. Almae Matris Alumni Croaticae
  3. Kroatische Kulturgemeinschaft
  4. Kroatischer Ingenieur-Verein
  5. Kroatisches Humanitäres Forum
  6. Kroatisch-Herzegowina Gemeinschaft
  7. Nogometni klub Croatia
  8. Nogometni klub Hadjuk

Greece

  1. "Ewros" Arbeitnehmer-Vereinigung
  2. Föderation Griechischer Vereine und Gemeinden in der Schweiz
  3. Fussballclub S.V.Asteras
  4. Fussballclub S.V.Hellas
  5. Fussballclub Megas Alexandros
  6. Griechische Gemeinde Zürich
  7. Griechischer Kulturverein Demokritos
  8. Griechischer Lehrerverein
  9. Griechischer Verein "Parthenon"
  10. Griechischer Verein Pentalofiton
  11. Griechischer Verein der Kozaniten
  12. Verband Griechischer Elternvereine im Kanton Zürich – Aristoteles
  13. Vereinigung der Kreter in der Schweiz
  14. Vereinigung Pontion in der Schweiz

Italy

  1. Comitato degli Italiani all’Estero
  2. Assistenza Italiana
  3. Associazione Abbruzzese
  4. Associazione Bellunesi nel Mundo
  5. Associazione Regionale Emigrati Molisani
  6. AssociazioneTriveneto
  7. Associazione ULEV
  8. Associazione Campana
  9. Associazione Culturale Italiana
  10. Associazione Emigrati Lucani
  11. Associazione Emiliani Romagnoli
  12. Associazione Ex Combattenti
  13. Associazione Friulana Fogolar Furlan
  14. Associazione Gente Camuna
  15. Associazione Giovani Siciliani
  16. Associazione Lavoratori Emigrati Friulani
  17. Associazione Lavoratori Montellesi
  18. Associazione Marchigiani
  19. Associazione Naz. Alpini
  20. Associazione Pugliese
  21. Associazione Trevisani nei Mondo
  22. Associazione Toscana di Zurigo
  23. A.I.D.O. – Associazione Italiana Donatori Organi
  24. A.V.I.S. – Associazione Italiana Volontari del Sangue
  25. CASLI – Comitato Assistenza Scolastica Lavoratori Italiani
  26. Centro di Studi Italiani
  27. Circolo Lucano
  28. Circolo San Martino
  29. Circolo Trentini nel Mondo
  30. Circolo Culturale Realtà Nuova
  31. Comitato Genitori Limmattal
  32. Comitato Nazionale Patronati
  33. Comitato Tricolore
  34. Comitato Nazionale d’Intesa
  35. Comitato Genitori Scuola Elementare Italiana
  36. Conferenza "San Vincenzo"
  37. Coord. Federazione
  38. Corale Santa Cecilia
  39. C.A.V.E.S.
  40. Dame di Carità
  41. Ente Bergamaschi nel Mondo, Circolo di Zurigo
  42. Famiglia Padovani di Zurigo
  43. Famiglia Siciliana
  44. Federazione Associazioni Sarde in Svizzera
  45. Federazione Associazioni Calabresi
  46. Federazione Associazioni Campane
  47. Federazione Associazioni Lucane
  48. Federazione Regionale Associazioni Emigrati Lombardi in Svizzera F.R.A.E.L.
  49. Federazione Colonie Libere F.C.L.I.
  50. Gruppo Italiano Oerlikon
  51. Gruppo Valtellinesi
  52. Lecce Club Zürich
  53. Lega Uomini Cattolicci
  54. P.C.I
  55. P.S.I.
  56. Società Dante Allighieri
  57. Società Donne Cattoliche
  58. Udinese Club Zurigo
  59. Società Donne Italiane
  60. Unione Emigrati Siciliani
  61. Unione Emigrati Sardi E. Racis
  62. Veronesi nel Mondo
  63. Vicentini nel Mondo

Portugal

  1. Associaçião Portuguesa
  2. Centro Lusitano
  3. Comissão de Pais de Zürich
  4. Federação das Associações Portuguesas
  5. Foro Cultural
  6. Sporting Club de Zurich

Republic of Yugoslavia

  1. Basketballclub Korac Zürich
  2. Humanitärer Verein SAR
  3. Jugoslawischer Verein
  4. Kulturelle Vereinigung der Serben in der Schweiz
  5. Serbischer Kulturverein
  6. Sportclub Jugoslavija

Spain

  1. Agrupación de Padres de Zürich e alrededores
  2. As Xeitosiñas
  3. Asociación Juvenil autónoma
  4. Asociación Popular Española
  5. ATEES
  6. Ateneo Popular Español
  7. Centro de Amistad PTT
  8. Centro de Formación Goldbrunnen
  9. Centro Gallego
  10. Centro Hispánico Cultural
  11. Centro Hispano Cultural Recreativo
  12. Circulo Cultural "Miguel de Unamuno"
  13. Consejo Escolar de Padres de Familia
  14. C.R.E.
  15. Federación de Sociedades Galegas na Suiza
  16. Foro Cultural
  17. Grup Cultural Valencia
  18. Izquierda Unida
  19. Katalanischer Verein Cosa Nostra
  20. PCE
  21. Promoción Cultural
  22. Promoción da Cultura Galega
  23. P.S.O.E.
  24. Unión Deportiva "Orense"
  25. Union General de Trabajadores, Sección de Zürich UGT

Sri Lanka

Tamils

  1. Beratungsstelle Pathai
  2. Katpakam – Treffpunk für tamilische Frauen
  3. Mütternberatung für tamilische Eltern
  4. Tamil Welfare Organisation W.T.T.C.
  5. Tamilischer Elternverein
  6. Tamilisches Kulturzentrum
  7. Tamils Rehabilitation Organisation
  8. Thirukoneswara Nadanalayam Tanzgruppe
  9. Hindu Mananram

Sighalese

  1. Swiss Sri Lankan Association
  2. Sri Lanka Cricket Club Zürich

Turkey

  1. Isviçre Islam Cemaati VakfI
  2. Türkisch-Islamische Stiftung für die Schweiz
  3. Zentrale der islamischen Vereine in der Schweiz
  4. Zürich Türk-Islam – Kültür Ocagi
  5. Islam Kültür Merkezleri Birligi
  6. Anatolisches-Alevitisches Kulturzentrum in Zürich
  7. Avrupa Türk Akademisyenler Birligi
  8. FC Galatasaray
  9. Isviçre Türk Kadinlan Yardimlasma Dernegi
  10. Horgen Türk-islam Birligi
  11. Schweiz. Türkischer Verein
  12. Société Turco-Suisse
  13. Solidaritätsverband der türkischen Vereine in der Schweiz
  14. Tüfem – Ausbildungszentrum für türkische Folklore
  15. Türkischer Elternverein für Vorschulkinder
  16. Türkische Elternvereinigung Zürich
  17. Türk Sanat Kültür Toplulugu
  18. Türkspor
  19. Verband der türkischen demokratischen Vereine in der Schweiz
  20. Türkischer und kurdischer Kulturverein
  21. Türkischer Klub für kulturelle Kontakte (Dostlar Kulübü)
  22. Verein Kulturelle Übersetzung
  23. Verein Mozaik

Kurds

  1. Föderation der Patriotischen Arbeiter- und Kulturvereine aus Kurdistan in der Schweiz – FEKAR
  2. Kurdischer Arbeiter- und Kulturverein
  3. Kurdischer Lehrer- und Elternverein

As already stated, there is only scarce information on the precise aims and actions of these different associations. There exists nevertheless a recent study included in the second part of the Integrationleitbild of Zurich which is based on interviews with 60 immigrant associations of the city (Von Ah, Dobler 1998). As the principal reason to set up an association, the authors of this study consider the wish to have one’s own place to meet and to foster one’s own culture. A second reason is the desire to help other migrants in a difficult situation, to constitute a network of solidarity. Only a small number of migrant organisations have an explicit political or religious commitment. The basis of the organisations are often the same national or regional origin, in case of Asians, Africans or Latin-Americans the organisations transcend ethnic or national boundaries (Von Ah, Dobler 1998, 224-225). The resources of the associations come mainly from within: about 60% of the associations have only the fees of their members as a financial basis, 16% of them receive financial support from the countries of origin and 22% from the Swiss administration (Von Ah, Dobler 1998, 227-228). It seems that the majority of these associations address themselves after all to first generation migrants and have some difficulties to attract the second generation.

 

Political affiliation

There is almost no scientific information about the political affiliation of migrants in Zurich. An important number of the first generation of Italians were members of the Italian Communist party. The same is true for the Spaniards: a lot of them were committed to political parties of their home countries, primarily left wing parties. In principle a foreigner can become a member of a Swiss party 6 – the Social Democrat Party even indicates that it wants to favour membership of foreigners – but this case is rare. Even if the above mentioned initiative by the group "Political rights for migrants" tries to mobilise Swiss with a migrant background to struggle for the interests of immigrants, one cannot speak of "ethnic politicians" in the sense of political entrepreneurs neither in Zurich nor in general in Switzerland.

Syndicalist affiliation

Official information about syndicalist affiliation of migrants in Zurich is scarce. According to the information given by the local branch of the Union of the Workers in the Metal- and Watch-Industry (Schweizerischer Metall- und Uhrenarbeiterverband, SMUV) 40% of its members are foreigners, the most important national group are still the Italians. According to the information given by the local branch of the Union of Construction and Industrie (Gewerkschaft Bau und Industrie, GBI) the composition of its members in Zurich is the following:

Table I-IX: Composition of the members of the GBI by nationality and percentage of the total number of members in 1998 (estmations)

 

Total number

% of total number of members

Former Yugoslavia

3100

28

Italy

2300

21

Spain

1100

10

Portugal

1300

12

Turkey

200

2

Swiss

3.000

27

Total

11.000

100

 

Religious affiliation

According to the census of 1990, 138.000 (50%) of the 276.000 Swiss living in Zurich were Protestant, 92.000 (33%) Catholics, 4000 (1,5%) Jewish and 41.000 (15%) had another religious affiliation or were without any. For the 89.000 foreigners the proportions were quite different: 7000 (8%) were Protestant, 49.000 (55%) Catholics, 650 (0,7%) Jewish and 32.000 (36%) had another religious affiliation or were without any (Statistisches Amt 1997, 28). It is clear that all the Muslims are counted in this latter group.

The total number of the Muslim population in Zurich amounted in 1990 to 9296 persons 7, which is 2,5% of the total population (365.043). One can reasonably guess that the majority of them are foreigners, which would signify that their part on the total foreigner population was 10,4% in 1990. However, it is evident that since then the Muslim population has strongly increased, a lot of migrants coming in the last years from former Yugoslavia or Turkey. But there are not any more recent data on religious affiliation.

 

II RELEVANT POLITICAL STRUCTURES

2.1 National level

The basic features of the Swiss political system have all an important impact on the politics of migration. First, Switzerland is a so-called "direct democracy" (see for example Hertig 1984, Kriesi 1995, 80-125). The most important component of this system is the popular initiative (Volksinitiative) which permits the launching of a political idea in the form of a project for a constitutional article, which is submitted to the Swiss people. In order to succeed, a popular initiative must gather the signatures of at least 100.000 voters in a period of 18 months. It is then followed by a popular vote (Volksabstimmung). The popular initiative played – and still plays – a very important role for populist and anti-immigrant movements. These groups have never become important forces in the form of political parties (their scores in elections always kept low) but they succeeded in gaining support from important parts of the population through the popular initiative. Since the middle of the 1960s, several times so-called "Overforeignization initiatives" (Überfremdungsinitiativen) were launched which aimed at limiting the number of foreigners living in Switzerland. Even if so far they have always been rejected, they had an important impact on the Swiss migration policy (Mahnig 1998) 8. The second component of Swiss direct democracy is the referendum: it permits to submit each law adopted in parliament to a popular vote, if 50.000 signatures are collected in the three months following its adoption. The referendum is also used by populist parties either as a way to challenge a decision made by parliament or as an instrument to threaten the other parties to make concessions in the parliamentary debates on a new law. The last component of the system of direct democracy is finally the rule that each new constitutional article has to be submitted to a popular vote.

The second important feature of the Swiss polity is federalism: the twenty-three cantons composing Switzerland (three of them are divided in two half-cantons) have a large autonomy in several fields. The education system, for example, is organised on a cantonal level. According to the federalist principles, the Swiss parliament is divided in two chambers, the Nationalrat (the representatives of the people) and the Ständerat (the representatives of the cantons). In order to pass parliament, a law has to be voted by a majority in each chamber. The principle of the "double majority" – of the population and the cantons – concerns also the popular vote. Today this principle is more and more criticised: the balance between interests of the cantons and interests of the whole population gives progressively more weight to the small - and often conservative - cantons which have lost a lot of their population through migration to the urban centres, but keep still the same political influence through the principle of the "double majority". In 1994 for example, a constitutional change proposed by the government to ease the naturalisation procedure was adopted by a majority of Swiss people but rejected by a majority of cantons. An important role for the politics of migration plays also the third level of territorial organisation in Switzerland: the municipalities. The naturalisation procedure, for example, is to a large extent a municipal decision (see part on naturalisation).

A third and last important feature to be mentioned is the so called consociational democracy (Konkordanz-Demokratie) (see for example Lijphart 1977, Kriesi 1995, 311-333). The Swiss government, the Federal Council (Bundesrat), composed of seven ministers, is chosen by the deputies for four years and reflects the distribution of forces between the different parties in parliament. There is no system of majority and opposition, the four most important parties, representing about three quarters of the electorate, - Social Democrats (Sozialdemokratische Partei - SP), Liberals (Freisinnig-demokratische Partei - FDP), Christian-Democrats (Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei - CVP) and the Conservatives (Schweizerische Volkspartei - SVP) - participate all in the government. The proportional representation of parties and other interest groups is a general feature of the Swiss political system and can be found on many other levels. This means that the decision-making process is often very lengthy because the different forces must negotiate a compromise. Concerning the politics of migration the system leads to long periods of "non-decision" because the interests concerning migration are so divergent that a compromise can often not be found (Mahnig 1997, 4-5).

Table II-I Distribution of seats in the Nationalrat and Ständerat (1991 / 1995)

 

Elections of 1991

Elections of 1995

 

NR

StR

NR

StR

SP - Social Democrats

43

58

3

5

FDP - Liberals

44

45

18

17

CVP - Christian Democrats

37

34

4

5

SVP- Conservatives

25

29

4

5

GP - Green Party

14

10

-

-

Liberals

10

7

3

2

FPS (Populist Conservatives)

8

8

-

-

LdU and EVP - Centrist

9

5

1

1

SD (Extreme Right)

7

3

1

-

PdA (Extreme Left)

2

-

-

-

Others

1

1

-

-

Total of seats

200

200

46

46

Source: (Schweizerische Bundeskanzlei 1996, 5)

 

2.2 Local level

The political structure of the city of Zurich corresponds in many respects to the one on the federal level: there are not many cities in Europe where one can find such a democratic institutional framework for policy-making as in Zurich (Neidhart 1998). The habitants of the city elect the 125 deputies of the parliament (Gemeinderat) as well as the 9 members of the executive (Stadtrat) including the mayor. The gathering of 4000 signatures allows to launch a popular initiative on the city-level, and if 4000 signatures are collected against a decision taken in parliament during the twenty following days, a referendum must be hold (Gemeindeordnung 1997). These instruments of direct democracy play a very important role for the policy making in the city: often ad-hoc coalitions and interest groups succeed to influence policies using the initiative or the referendum (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 210-211).

However, in the field of migration the instruments of direct democracy have been used the most frequently by populist parties and the extreme right. They succeeded in the last years to block several policies aimed at an improvement of the situation of migrants in Zurich as for example the simplification of naturalisation and the setting up of a solidarity network for refugees from Kosovo (see 2.3).

The deputies of the Gemeinderat meet almost every week and their action is largely commented by the local press. Even if they are "spare time-politicians" they represent an important counterweight to the executive. Because the chance to be reelected depends on the municipal level a great deal on personal notoriety, politics are very personalized (Neidhart 1998). The most important parties in the Gemeinderat are:

- SP: Sozialdemokratische Partei (Social Democrats)
- FDP: Freisinnig-demokratische Partei (Liberals)
- SVP: Schweizerische Volkspartei (Conservatives)
- CVP: Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei (Christian Democrats)
- LdU: Landesring der Unabhängigen (Centrists)
- EVP: Evangelische Volkspartei (Centrists)
- GP: Grüne Partei (Green Party)
- FraP: Frauen macht Politik (Women's party)
- SD: Schweizer Demokraten (Extreme Right)
- AL90: Alternative Liste Züri 1990 (Alternatives)

In the last municipal elections of march 1998, the parties of the political centre (FDP, CVP, LdU, EVP) as well as the parties on the margins (FraP, SD) lost votes while the left-wing parties (SP, GP) and the Conservatives (SVP) won some new seats in parliament. This means that neither the left (SP, GP, FraP, AL90) with 59 seats nor the right with 60 seats (SVP, FDP, CVP) have a majority in parliament (NZZ 1998a).

Table II - II Distribution of seats in the Gemeinderat (parliament) of Zurich (1970 -1998)

 

1970

1974

1978

1982

1986

1990

1994

1998

SP

41

44

50

42

39

47

43

49

FDP

26

23

26

36

27

25

28

26

CVP

15

19

19

19

17

12

10

8

SVP

5

4

5

7

6

7

19

26

LdU

26

16

16

9

11

8

7

4

EVP

12

8

6

6

6

4

2

1

GP

-

-

-

-

5

10

5

7

SD

-

9

-

2

11

5

4

1

FraP

-

-

-

-

-

3

5

1

AL90

-

-

     

4

2

2

Other

-

2

3

4

3

-

-

-

Total

125

125

125

125

125

125

125

125

Source: (Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ 1998a)

In the executive, however, the left has a majority of six members against three for the right. The actual members of the executive are the following (NZZ 1998b):

- Josef Estermann (SP): Mayor
- Esther Maurer (SP): Police
- Elmar Ledergerber (SP) : Building construction
- Monika Weber (LdU): Education and Sport
- Willy Küng (CSP) 9: Finance
- Rober Neukomm (SP): Public Health and Environment
- Kathrin Martelli (FDP): Underground workings
- Thomas Wagner (FDP): Industrial Enterprise
- Monika Stocker (GP): Social Affairs

Table II - III Representation of parties in the Stadtrat (executive) of Zurich (1970 -1998)

 

1970

1974

1978

1982

1986

1990

1994

1998

SP

4

3

4

-

1

3

3

4

FDP

1

2

1

2

1

1

3

2

CVP

1

1

1

1

2

2

1

-

SVP

1

1

-

1

1

-

-

-

LdU

2

2

2

1

1

-

-

1

EVP

-

-

1

1

1

1

-

-

Other

-

-

-

3*

2*

2**

2***

2***

Total

9

9

9

9

9

9

9

9

Source: (Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ 1998a)
* representatives of the labour unions
** without party affiliation
*** GP and CSP (Cristian-social Party)

The fact that the SVP does not participate in the executive although it is the second largest party (together with the FDP) in the municipal parliament, will certainly be source of tensions. The party tried in the last years to establish itself as a protest-party using the instruments of direct democracy in a very populist way. This had already an important impact on the politics of migration (see 2.3).

 

2.3 Immigrant and ethnic minorities related political structure

National level

The principal reason for the fact that immigration developed in a political issue in Switzerland was the mounting xenophobia of the Swiss population since the beginning of the 1960s. As soon as 1964 a report on "The problem of the foreign workers" (Das Problem der ausländischen Arbeitskräfte) had been published by the Swiss administration, which recommended several measures for the integration of migrants. But during the sixties it was not taken into account by politicians. In 1970 the government created the Federal commission for the problem of foreigners (Eidgenössische Kommission für das Ausländerproblem) – which is called today the Federal commission for foreigners (Eidgenössische Auländerkommission – EKA) – as an answer to the "overforeignization initiative" (Cattacin 1987, 69-70). Up to now the EKA is still the most important institution for the integration of migrants in Switzerland. Its function is essentially consultative: the EKA brings together the representatives of different institutions and organisations (for example those of cantonal administrations, employer-organisations, labour-unions and immigrant organisations 10) in order to discuss immigration problems and to give recommendations.

The task of the EKA is also a policy of information and communication in order to "explain Swiss people the difference of the foreigner and its problems" on the one hand, to "improve the information of the foreigners" on the other (EKA 1989, 101). The EKA considers also that concerning the foreign population "conforming to our democratic customs, it is necessary to look for solutions which are adapted to local conditions. Each municipality has to find its own way." (EKA 1989, 7) That is why an important part of the action of the EKA is the support of cantonal or municipal commissions which implement the same policy of information and communication on a local level.

Since the middle of the seventies several attempts have been made to change the policy towards migrants, but all have been rejected by popular votes. The first was a popular initiative which aimed at an improvement of the legal status of migrants, the so called "Mitenand" (Together)-initiative. It was rejected in 1981 by a strong majority of voters. The second attempt was a reform of the law on foreigners of 1931 (Ausländer Aufenthalts- und Niederlassungsgesetz - ANAG), which tried also to improve (even in a less ambitious way) the legal status of foreigners. Accepted by the parliament, it was rejected in a referendum in 1982. In 1983 and in 1994 two constitutional changes proposed by the government to ease the naturalisation procedure for second generation immigrants were rejected in popular votes (see part on access to national citizenship).

In the last years the issue of integration has become more salient, because of the declining integration of migrants in the Swiss economy which is largely due to a general increase of unemployment hitting the migrant population much harder than the Swiss. This is a new problem for Switzerland: at he end of the 1980s for example, scholars could still write: "The settled unemployed foreigner is an exceptional phenomenon, its social figure does not exist" (Bolzmann, Fibbi, Garcia 1987, 62). The problem hits strongly the cities and put therefore the question of integration on their agendas. In the last years some big cities - such as Basle, Bern and Zurich - have elaborated so called "integration policy-designs" (Integrationsleitbilder) in order to create a new comprehensive approach to the question. But the question became also more important on the federal agenda. In 1996 the EKA published a report in which it claimed an clear strengthening of Swiss integration policy and a stronger intervention of the Federal State as before (EKA 1996). A year later, a commission of experts, charged to think about the reshaping of the whole Swiss migration policy, recommended also a new comprehensive approach to integration, putting the stress on the social problems of migrants (Expertengruppe 1997).

A first concrete step in direction of a reinforcement of the federal immigrant policy is the setting up of an article on integration in the Aliens law of 1931. Voted by the parliament in June 1998, the article gives the Confederation the possibility to subsidise local integration projects.

As a conclusion one can say, that in Switzerland it is today hardly possible to speak of a real integration policy for migrants on the federal level. Integration structures can primarily be found on the level of non-official organisations (association, labour-unions etc.) as well as on the level of local administration (cantons and municipalities). That is the reason that some scholars speak of the " integrationist federalism " in Switzerland (Cattacin 1996). The vote for an integration article – although a very modest measure – can be interpreted as a fist step towards a different policy.

 

Local level

For a long time there has been no clear policy towards migrants in Zurich. In 1968 the " Municipal Commission for the assimilation question " (Städtische Kommission für Assimilierungsfragen) was set up which changed its name later to " Municipal Commission for the questions of foreigners " (Städtische Kommission für Ausländerfragen). This Commission is composed of 24 members, who are chosen every four years by the Gemeinderat and who are representing the " interested circles " (parties, employer organisations, labour unions, churches, associations) according to the specific way of interest organisation in Switzerland (Germann et al. 1985). The commission, which holds regularly reunions, is charged to make recommendations to the Gemeinderat and Stadtrat.

In 1969 the " Co-ordination Office for the Questions of Foreigners " (Koordinationsstelle für Ausländerfragen - KSA) was set up. It is charged to serve on the one hand as secretariat for the commission and on the other hand to co-ordinate the action of different administrative services concerning migrants. However the action of this organism was blocked several times and only in 1982 it got more active with the arrival of a new director. In 1987 the KSA enlarged its action and in 1988 the number of the employees was multiplied by five because of the setting up of a consultation service for migrants. Because the unemployment of migrants (for the first as well as for the second generation) is until the 1990s not really an issue on the political agenda, the policy of the KSA can be characterised – as the one made on the federal level by the EKA – as a policy of mediation and information. The KSA has recently been renamed in " Office for intercultural questions " (Fachstelle für Interkulturelle Fragen).

During the same period different administrative branches developed their own actions in regard to migrants. This is particularly true in the field of education: at the beginning of the 1980s the proportion of migrant children increases up to 90% in some schools and the authorities fear that Swiss parents would put their children in other schools and that this could lead to the development of school segregation (Schulsynode 1983). Because the public school in Switzerland is organised on the level of the cantons, the cantonal authorities tried to respond to the problem and which took a number of initiatives: in 1980 the " Direction for Education of the Canton of Zurich " (Erziehungsdirektion des Kantons Zürich) sets up a special service called " Pedagogy for Foreigners " (Ausländerpädagogik). During the following years, however the concept of " Pedagogy for Foreigners " is progressively replaced by the idea of " Intercultural Pedagogy" and in 1987 a comprehensive approach for intercultural education is adopted by the cantonal authorities (Truniger 1995).

At the beginning of the 1990s the issue of " integrating migrants " changes completely because of the increasing unemployment. Migrants are particularly suffering from this development because of their strong representation in the lowest segments of the labour market which are struck primarily by the restructuring of the Swiss economy. If the same problem can be observed everywhere in Switzerland, another one is more specific to Zurich as a big city: the question of segregation. Segregation in Zurich can objectively not be considered as a serious problem up to now if one compares the ongoing processes to other European cities. Nevertheless, the high proportion of migrants in some neighbourhoods has been politicised and defined as a threat to law and order by the Conservative party (SVP) which use to speak of " ghettos " and " slums ".

At the beginning of the 1990s the authorities make two attempts to respond to this harsher climate. In 1993, after the racist murder of a young Tamil, the Gemeinderat votes a credit of 40.000 Swiss francs and charges the KSA to organise actions for the better mutual understanding of migrants and Swiss. The KSA sets up the project " z’Züri dehei? " (at home in Zurich?) which tries to support different cultural actions on which migrants and Swiss participate together. The central event of the project is a week of intercultural meetings in May 1994, involving sixty associations of migrants and Swiss under the title Piazza Mondiale (NZZ 1994).

Another attempt for a better integration of the migrants living in Zurich has been a failure: in January 1996 the municipal parliament (Gemeinderat) decides to ease some of the criteria for naturalisation of foreigners. According to the federal Constitution a foreigner has to become first the citizen of a municipality and then of a canton in order to get the Swiss nationality (see party on access to citizenship). The changes adopted are modest: the parliament tries only to adapt the rules of the naturalisation procedure to the changes which took place in the years before on the cantonal and federal level (the demand that a candidate must have lived 6 of the total of 12 years required in Zurich, is lowered to 4 years and the demand to speak the local dialect is abandoned). Because of the still restrictive rules the Green party and the Alternatives vote against the changes, which are supported by all the big parties. The members of the extreme right party Swiss Democrats (Schweizer Demokraten) vote also against the changes and after their adoption launch a referendum which succeeds (NZZ 1996a). In a aggressive campaign the Swiss Democrats argue that the changes adopted in the Gemeinderat would lead to a "squandering of Swiss nationality " whereas the other parties do not really commit themselves to the issue. The Conservative Party (SVP) even changes its position because its leaders fear to loose their traditional electorate. The vote takes place on June the 9th, 1996: 62% of the voters reject the changes, only two boroughs (Kreis 1 and Kreis 7) vote in favour of them (NZZ 1996b).

In the following years the political climate concerning migrants in Zurich gets even harsher because the Conservative party (SVP) tries to win votes by making migrants responsible for general social problems of the city. During the campaign for the municipal elections of March 1998 it publishes several advertisements in local newspapers which have a clearly xenophobic meaning: " Zurich becomes a ghetto ", " Against a multicultural Zurich ", " Criminal foreigners: Throw them out! ", " We want that Zurich keeps a city for the Swiss ", " Stop the discrimination of Swiss children " (Mahnig 1998b, 128). However, if the SVP wins in the elections some seats in the Gemeinderat, it does not get any in the Stadtrat, where the left strengthens its position.

Nevertheless, the SVP continues its politicisation of the migrant issue, using the referendum. In spring 1998 the Gemeinderat decides to subsidise a " contact network " for migrants from Kosovo with 50.000 SFr. The SVP launches the referendum against this decision, which is considered by the other parties as a reasonable project concerning a excluded group (NZZ 1998d). In the popular vote of June, the 7th 1998, 56% of the voters follow the SVP and reject the project.

One month before this event, in May 1998, the Mayor of Zurich presented a Design for integration (Integrationsleitbild) which is the result of a study made by the Institute of Ethnology of the University of Zurich and aims at a new comprehensive approach for an integration policy in Zurich. The Leitbild considers the exclusion of an increasing number of migrants from the labour market as the central problem of the city and demands a policy facing this issue by programs of education and vocational training (Leitbild 1998a, 28-32). It considers also that housing segregation and the concentration of migrants in certain neighbourhoods will become a serious topic and asks for the implementation of a dispersal policy (Leitbild 1998a, 35-36). The authors analyse the concentration of social problems in Zurich as the outcome of the federal admission policy, which, according to them, allowed for a long time the immigration of unqualified foreign workers in the interest of certain economic branches. Therefore they demand a more restrictive admission policy in the future (Leitbild 1998a, 39-40).

During the summer 1998, the Leitbild leads to a large and very controversial debate. The SVP, on the one side, considers that there is no " integration problem " in Zurich, but a " foreigner problem ". The party asks thus for a policy which stops further migration to the city. The multicultural left, on the other side, represented by the Green party and alternative organisations, criticises the Leibild because it demands the " assimilation " of migrants in some central areas of Swiss society and insists, according to them, only on the "social deficits" of migrants but not on their important socio-economic contribution to Swiss society. Some observers even accuse the Leitbild to be based on "cultural racism" (Steiner-Khamsi 1998). Migrant organisation make similar claims and criticise the fact that they have not been associated to the setting up of the Leitbild.

Faced with these critical reactions, the Mayor of Zurich decided in November 1998 to rewrite the Integrationsleitbild and to include also members of migrant organisations in the new working group (NZZ 1998e).

 

Access to national citizenship

The access to national citizenship is in Switzerland even less open than in Gemany, reputed to have the most restrictive law on nationality in Europe (Centlivres, Schnapper 1991, 152). Children of foreigners born in Switzerland keep the nationality of their parents, because there is no ius soli as for example in France or in the traditional immigration countries. The naturalisation procedures are also very complicated. In general, a foreigner who wants to apply for Swiss citizenship has to prove that he lived during 12 years legally in Switzerland (Gutzwiller, Baumgartner 1997, 3) 11.

However, the specificity of the access to citizenship in Switzerland is its " federalist character ". The naturalisation procedure consists in Switzerland in fact of three stages. The federal Constitution stipulates that in order to get Swiss nationality one has to become first the citizen of a municipality and then of a canton. The candidate for naturalisation has first to ask a federal authorisation for naturalisation from the federal Office of Police. Once he is in possession of this document, he has to ask the right of citizenship (droit de cité) of a municipality. The federal authorities intervene only at the first and the last stage when they are informed on the decision of the municipality. The most difficult stage to pass is the one on the municipal level, because its logic is an ethnic and cultural one: in certain municipalities the applicant has to prove his knowledge of Swiss traditions and that he is assimilated to the values of the local community. Additionally the naturalisation procedure is often very costly (Centlivres 1990).

The implementation of these principles is however quite different according to the local communities: in big municipalities exists normally a commission which decides on the naturalisation demands by foreigners, whereas in small municipalities all the citizens of the municipality decide on the request of the foreigner. This leads often to refusals by local communities on the ground of unjustified criteria (see for example Dütschler 1998).

Two attempts were made in the last decades to change this restrictive rules. In 1983 the government proposed a constitutional reform whose aim was to increase the weight of the Confederation in the naturalisation procedure of the second generation. It justified this project by the huge number of foreigners who were born and had attended school in Switzerland but who were still not Swiss citizens because of the very restrictive Swiss citizenship law 12. Therefore the government wanted to integrate an article in the Constitution giving the power to the State to ease the naturalisation of all foreigners born and grown up in Switzerland. However, in December 1983, the project was rejected in a popular vote by 54,3% of the voters.

In June 1994 a new popular vote on a project trying to ease the naturalisation of the second generation took place. The reform was once more rejected, in spite of the support by all the parties (except the populist parties of the right): whereas 52,8% of the Swiss population voted for the reform, a majority of cantons voted against it 13. The double nationality, however, is admitted in Switzerland since 1992.

 

III CASE GROUP: THE ITALIAN COMMUNITY

Italians were after 1945 the most important group of migrants which came to Switzerland: in 1960 almost two thirds of the foreigners living in Switzerland came from Italy, in 1990 still almost one third of them (see table I-VIII). The same is true for Zurich. Even if the part of Italians on the total number of foreigners is today decreasing faster than on the national level – it felt from 26% in 1990 to 19% in 1996 – they are still the biggest migrant group.

As a specificity of the situation of the Italian migrants in Switzerland can be considered the fact that there existed already a large number of well established Italian institutions when they arrived in 1945. Already in 1898 the Missione Cattolica Italiana di Zurigo was founded for the large Italian community living at the end of the 19th century in Zurich (Ciapparella, Gatani 1997). After World War II the Missione continued its religious and social support of the Italian migrants. In 1930, Italian antifascists set up the Scuola Libera Italiana di emancipazione proletaria in Zurich in order to give their children an education free from fascist ideology. The founder of this school was also one of the founding members of the Colonie Libere Italiane (CLI) which were set up in September 1943 in Zurich. In the same year nine further colonies were created in other Swiss cities and in November 1943 was set up the Fedrazione delle Colonie Libere Italiane in Svizzera (FCLIS) (Grossi 1985 203-204).

After World War II the Colonie Libere Italiane become one of the most important migrant organisations in Switzerland. They try on the one hand side to struggle for a better support by the Italian government of its emigrated citizens, on the other hand to struggle for a better treatment of the Italian Immigrants in Switzerland. However they need some time to find an autonomous political position and are often accused to be manipulated by the Italian Communist Party (Bottinelli et al. 1973, 38-40).

In a big congress – the Convegno dell’emigrazione – held in Zurich in 1959, the representatives of the organisation claim better social rights for immigrants in Switzerland. In the same time the CLI begin also to develop evening schools for their members and alphabetisation courses for adults. In 1964 la FCLIS is composed of 100 associations and has 10.300 members. It organises about 100 courses (Grossi 1985, 206).

The political commitment of the FCLIS will lead to the expulsion of some of its members from Switzerland in the first half of the 1960s. Confronted with the mounting xenophobia in Switzerland, the organisation tries to explain to Swiss population the problems of Italian immigrants. In the 1970s the FCLIS becomes more and more involved in the question of education because the second generation enters school. In many CLI parent committees (Comitati di genitori) are set up.

In 1974 the organisation participates on the founding of the movement "Mitenand" which launches some years later the initiative with the same name. It is very active to promote the initiative’s aims for more civil and social rights of migrants in Switzerland (see 2.3), but the clear failure of the initiative in the vote of 1981 shows the limits of this kind of political struggle in Switzerland. The FCLIS keeps still politically active during the 1980s and continues to be one of the major migrant organisations. But its importance and impact has clearly decreased compared to the 1970s.

 

IV Zurich as a case for comparative Analysis

The specific characteristics of Zurich which make it an interesting case for comparison are threefold. First, Zurich is one of the European cities with the highest rates of habitants with an immigrant background. Until very recently this phenomenon has never been considered as a problem, but there have not been important political efforts for integrating migrants neither. The reason for this has to be searched in the well functioning integration of migrants through the labour market. Since this process is not so smoothly working anymore, immigration has become a political issue.

The second important characteristic of Zurich – as of every other Swiss municipality – is its large margin for policy making compared to other European cities, which is based on the strong federalist culture of Switzerland. This means that Zurich would have more possibilities than other European cities to implement an autonomous immigrant policy.

The last characteristic of Zurich could be called the "paradox of direct democracy". The failures of a more open immigrant policy happened almost all through the instruments of direct democracy: the referendum and the popular vote. The same phenomenon can also be observed on the national level. The case of Zurich offers thus a unique possibility to think about the link between democracy and the opening up of rights for new members of society.


Footnotes

1. Switzerland is divided in 23 cantons.      Back to paper
2. The political capital is the city of Berne.    Back to paper
3. That is why we will speak in this text in general of " migrants " or " immigrants "; however, if we are using statistical data, we will always speak of " foreigners ".     Back to paper
4. Because the most of the foreigners living in Switzerland obtain a permanent residence permit only after 5 years of residence, this means that they had to wait at least 10 years to get local voting rights.     Back to paper
5. The institution changed its name recently to Office for intercultural questions (Fachstelle für interkulturelle Fragen).    Back to paper
6. Information given on telephone by the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei), the Liberals (Freisinnig-demokratische Partei) and the Conservatives (Schweizerische Volkspartei).    Back to paper
7. Information given on telephone by the Statistical Office of the city of Zurich.    Back to paper
8. This does not mean that the popular initiative is responsible for the appearance of xenophobia: it is simply a way to put an issue on the political agenda and to force the political elite to deal with a problem to which it did not give enough attention (see for example Kriesi 1995, 90). But of course it can be exploited by populist groups.    Back to paper
9. Christlichsoziale Partei (Christian-social Party).   Back to paper
10. It was only in 1981 that migrant organisations have been admitted to the EKA.   Back to paper
11. The years spent in Switzerland between the 1Oth and 20th birthday are counted double. Back to paper
12. From 910.000r foreigners living in Switzerland at the end of 1981, 300.000 are younger than 22, and 250.000 of this group have been educated in Switzerland.    Back to paper
13. A project, in order to pass a popular vote, has to gather the majority of the people as well as the majority of the canton.    Back to paper


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